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The Eritrea’s Enough/Yi’akil Movement – A Way Forward

Since the Enough/Yi’akil campaign was launched about seven months ago, the campaign has garnered support from Eritreans across the world, including from inside Eritrea. The campaign is a grassroots public movement that has no affiliation with established opposition political parties or groups. The campaign is aimed at bringing about peace, justice and democracy in Eritrea by mobilizing and uniting the Eritrean public at home and abroad to participate in national politics and to speak up for their rights and freedom. For the first time in history, the movement has succeeded in breaking the silence and the cycle of fear of speaking up against the dictatorial regime in Eritrea. Tens of thousands of ordinary Eritreans from all walks of life, at home and abroad, are voicing their support for the enough campaign and calling for justice and democracy in Eritrea openly on social media.

As the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has gone viral on social media, it has enlightened the first generation of Eritreans born abroad. It has also raised their awareness about the political situation in Eritrea. Besides it has galvanized them to join the movement for justice and democracy in their ancestral country. The campaign has also sent shockwaves through the political nerves of the regime in Asmara. That is why during his interview on the occasion of Sawa’s 25th anniversary president Esayas Afeworki tried to downplay the Enough/Yi’akil campaign by labeling the movement as a group of disgruntled people from one region.

Even though it has scored unprecedented success in stimulating tens of thousands of Eritreans, including the silent majority and some former supporters of PFDJ, to call for political change in Eritrea, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has also had its ups and downs. In grassroots campaigns such as the Enough/Yi’akil campaign, maintaining the momentum can be challenging. Promoting increased public participation needed to make a difference and to bring about political and social change in society is even harder. While the Enough/Yi’akil campaign is still alive, it seems the movement is losing its original zest. The movement’s leadership has been criticized for lack of inclusiveness and participation by all sections of the Eritrean society and implicated for regionalism and lack of transparency. The campaign is still young, and it is expected to face opposition from certain elements of the society and the regime in Eritrea. Moreover, the movement is still very loose and less organized. Its organizers/leaders also voice conflicting ideas about how to go forward. Having said that, the campaign has to find a way to keep its unprecedented momentum and overcome the challenges it has been facing so that to stay as a viable force for political change in Eritrea. One may ask about what can be done to build on the original momentum, gain the support of the majority of the public and succeed in bringing about justice and democracy in Eritrea? My recommendations are as follows:

     1.Keep the Enough/Yi’akil campaign as public/mass movement

Unlike the other Eritrean opposition groups/political parties that have been working for political change in Eritrea, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign is a grassroots popular activism initiated by ordinary individuals who are passionate about political and social change in Eritrea. This popular activism has spread as a virus and managed to mobilize the public to drive the political change in Eritrea from the bottom-up. The cause of the Enough/Yiakil campaign is very personal for each and every Eritrean. As such, the campaign must maintain its nature as a popular campaign free from influence by specific political ideologies or political groupings. The movement will lose its popular support and fail to unite the majority of the Eritrea people if it is influenced by or takes sides with political parties/groupings. The Eritrean opposition parties & political organizations must not try to politicize and influence the Enough/Yi’akil campaign. Instead, they have to join this popular campaign as ordinary citizens and contribute their part in bringing about political change, justice and democracy in Eritrea. That doesn’t mean to undermine the role of the opposition parties/groups & political organizations. The cause of those opposition parties and the Enough/Yi’akil campaign is the same. As such, the members of those opposition parties/groups can support the Enough/Yi’akil campaign as concerned individuals while they also continue their work for political change in Eritrea with their respective political parties/groups.

  1. Raise public awareness

Education and information are the backbone of any grassroots mass movement as people cannot participate in the movement if they do not have enough knowledge and awareness about it. Therefore, for the Enough/Yi’akil campaign to be successful it is imperative to raise awareness of the Eritreans in diaspora, especially the silent majority, about the dire political situation in Eritrea and the urgency for justice and democracy in the country. Eritrea is at a breaking point, and all Eritreans need to be informed about it and encouraged to participate to save their country from the brink of total breakdown. In particular, the campaign has to communicate effectively with those Eritreans who were born aboard because this generation lacks a deep understanding about the real political and social crisis in Eritrea. That is why many of them support the regime in Eritrea as members of YPFDJ. These young people should not be alienated and belittled just because they support the regime. Instead, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has to try to reach out to them, raise their awareness and educate them about what is really happening back home. If majority of these young people join the Enough/Yi’akil campaign, it would be a big blow to the morale of the regime in Eritrea. Because they are well educated, they can also be a formidable force for change in Eritrea through advocacy and raising awareness about the political situation in Eritrea in their respective countries.

The Enough/Yi’akil campaign must strive to increase political maturity of its members, particularly the youth, by providing political and civic education programs through the use of social media and other communication avenues. Political change in Eritrea does not come by insulting the regime and its supports on social media. This is a war of political ideas that requires political maturity and enlightenment. In addition, the Enough/Yiakil campaign must effectively use all available social media outlets and other communication avenues to disseminate its message and to broaden its level of visibility so that to garner more public support. Unless the campaign is able to raise public awareness about the political situation in Eritrea, attract more public support, wins the hearts and minds of all Eritreans at home and abroad, including the supporters of the regime, through effective use of mass media and strong political campaign, the movement may not go far.

  1. Focus on diversity of ideas

In some regions of the world, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has been criticized for not being inclusive, and lack of regional, ethnic and religious diversity. Diverse Eritrean communities must add their support to the campaign because diversity in religion, region, and ethnicity adds strength to the movement. But that kind of diversity must not be a sole requirement for participation in the campaign because it could lead to division within the movement. Previous movements for change in Eritrea such as Simer and Simret failed because of regionalism and internal divisions. The Enough/Yi’akil campaign must avoid mistakes made by its predecessors. Albert Einstein once said, “the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again but expecting different results.” If the Enough/Yi’akil campaign repeats same mistakes as its predecessors, it shouldn’t expect different results. It has to avoid regionalism, ethnic and religious divisions at any cost.

The most important diversity that the Enough/Yi’akil campaign should focus on is diversity in ideas. Diversity in ideas is a prerequisite for democracy. A movement with diverse ideas grows and achieves political unity. Plato, a Greek political philosopher, in his renowned work the Republic said, “Political unity is the greatest good for a city-state/society and political disunity is the greatest evil.” Political unity is a source of power and disunity is a source of weakness and failure. As such, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign must promote unity in diversity among all Eritreans. If the campaign manages to foster diversity in ideas and political unity, it will ultimately achieve its goal of bringing peace, justice and democracy in Eritrea.

  1. Have a clear political roadmap

The Enough/Yi’akil campaign is saying enough to the dictatorship and lack of rule of law in Eritrea. The campaign is calling for regime change and demise of the PFDJ political ideology. Yes, the campaign is calling for justice and democracy in Eritrea, but does it have a clear political alternative and political roadmap on how to achieve that goal from abroad? Does the campaign have a plan on how to spread its tentacles in Eritrea? What will the transitional period look like after regime change? What will be the role of the opposition political parties/groups? …and so forth. Ultimately, the success of the Enough/Yi’akil campaign lies with having a clear roadmap for political change in Eritrea. The campaign needs to involve professionals and experts who can draft a clear political roadmap for the movement. It has to have an operational guidelines/bylaws and political agenda. In addition, the different regional campaigns need to elect pragmatic and servant leaders who can form single international leadership and unite the campaign internationally. It seems a daunting task, but with conviction and commitment it is achievable. The servant leaders have to be democratic and accountable to their people. They must have transparency in all their activities and decisions.

  1. Effective advocacy and diplomacy

We are in the age of advocacy and diplomacy. Advocacy is a hidden power that works from behind the scenes to influence the people in position of political power to help with a cause of people to make their voices heard in the halls of governments and venues of mass media. For this reason, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign needs to work hard in the field of advocacy and diplomacy so that to attract attention of governments and influential people who can put pressure on the regime in Asmara. The campaign leadership has to identify people who have the expertise to lobby foreign governments, people in power, and influential people like celebrities to advocate for the cause of Eritrean people in their respective countries. For example, some activists of the Enough/Yi’akil campaign met with Congressman Joe Neguse, the U.S. House of Representative from Colorado and discussed ways he could help and advocate for justice and democracy in Eritrea. This is a commendable work and it should be replicated in other regions and countries. If such influential people speak up about the cause of the Enough/Yi’akil campaign, they can attract the attention of the local/international media and can influence the policies of their governments toward Eritrea.


In a nutshell, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has achieved tremendous success in its short life time. The campaign succeeded in breaking the silence and fear of speaking up against the regime in Eritrea among tens of thousands of Eritrea. The campaign has given hope for Eritreans at home and abroad that political change and democracy may be coming in Eritrea. Yet, the campaign has a long way to go.  Unless the Enough/Yi’akil campaign wins the hearts and minds of the majority at home and abroad, organizes itself as a formidable force for change that has a clear political roadmap, influences people in the position of power who can support the campaign from inside of the political system in Eritrea, and be able to replicate the campaign at home, it can be difficult for the popular movement to make real progress towards political change and democracy in Eritrea.

Having said that, I want to leave you with food for thought. The campaign is calling for a total regime change. That is plan A. However, for a regime change you need resources, easy access to the target country, and young people who can be force for political change at home. Unfortunately, majority of the energetic young people who can initiate and lead the political change in Eritrea have either left the country, some are imprisoned, or others are in the military. In addition, there is no access to social media in Eritrea capable of organizing campaigns or demonstration effectively. In the worst-case scenario, what if the struggle for political change prolongs? What if life in Eritrea becomes even harder to bear worse than what it is now? What if Eritrea reaches at the brink of being a failed state? Do the Enough/Yi’akil campaign and the opposition groups/political parties have plan B or any other alternative political solution?  I will leave the answer to the readers.

Information about the author

Nuredin Netabay has BA in Political Science and MA in International Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution. He can be reached at:

About Nuredin Netabay

Nuredin Netabay has BA in Political Science and MA in International Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution.

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  • Hameed Al-Arabi

    Ahlan Awates,


    A glimpse back to our culture and history of heroism overwhelms the self with hope, composure, and reassurance of a bright future. The people of Eritrea possess centuries old, nonetheless civilized conflict management legacies. The source of those legacies is those sessions held by our forefathers under the shady Himarat trees. Those rich legacies are as old as the Himarat tree itself – that lives for centuries, but thousands of years. The icons of proud, our forefathers succeeded to resolve difficult situations with great wisdom, under those shady green trees. Without exaggeration, our ancestors – who had endeared justice and abhorred denials and lies – handled their differences with the spirit of prudence and humility. They were open to hearing grievances besides addressing them with competence, wisdom, and rationality. This kind of insight qualified them to be much dignified and admired. Importantly, such a precious legacy should stimulate proudness and a sense of responsibility in the intellect of all Eritreans. Besides, they should take lessons from them and labor to consolidate them with modern conflict management systems, to disentangle their inherent differences. In all honesty, our forefathers possessed honorable legacies that deserve enthronement from all of us.

    Fundamentally, the purpose of holding those court sessions was to allow justice to take its course and pacify the wronged. Most of the time, aggressors admit their crimes without being compelled by any force, except their conscience. As a consequence of this matured behavior, communities protected from sliding towards bloodshed and instability. Genuinely, they were societies that were known, actually by their credibility and humbleness.

    Traditionally, as a gesture of goodwill, the community leaders begin Congress by giving the wronged party the role of a judge; however, they turn it back to the community leaders who pass their verdict on the issue of conflict. Subsequently, all parties accept the ruling with great pleasure. Glad by the satisfaction and relief of all parties, Congress concludes its session. With this kind of civilized legacy, the community leaders had served justice and maintained the peace, that had made societies bondage strong and flourishes for centuries.

    I believe, to rescue a nation tossed about by Tsunami of miseries, it is decisive to divide our revolution into three fundamental components. In other words, according to their professional affiliations, and merge them later into one Congress that represents the entire revolution. This partition subsequently could make the journey towards a united revolution comfortably attainable. Furthermore, it will construct the fundamentals of an urgent solution for the chronic wretchedness that floods the Eritrean people. The three basic categories proposed are:

    I- The Politicians’ Congress
    II- The Professionals’ Congress
    III- The Army’s Congress

    I- The Politicians’ Congress: This category of Congress encompasses all parties and fronts. These political entities could assemble themselves in blocks that later could incorporate into one National Politicians Congress. It will be appreciated if they unite with their own self-motivated will. However, if they fail short, community leaders and activists should play the role that the people of Eritrea expects from them. Obviously, with earnest good offices, community leading figures could stand up and bring them under one consolidated Congress.

    II- The Professionals’ Congress: This is a category that includes all professionals inside and outside Eritrea. It comprises in its membership farmers, workers, women, youth, engineers, journalists, lawyers, artists, writers, teachers, physicians, civic societies, the media. Each of these groups could organize a syndicate; however, for the time being, they might organize themselves under a National Professionals’ Congress.

    Regarding the Diaspora Eritreans, this vital segment of our people could assemble themselves continental-wise: Europe, America, Middle East, Africa, Australia, and Asia – to form a united Diaspora Professionals’ Congress. As for our people inside Eritrea, they could organize regionally – Dankalia, Samhar, Sahil, Ansaba, Barka, Hamassein, Akologzai, Seraye, and Gash – to constitute a Homeland Professionals Congress. Both the Diaspora and Homeland Professionals Congress could unite under a National Professionals’ Congress.

    III- The Army Congress: This category is composed of the Eritrean Defense Forces, the Eritrean Police Forces and the Security apparatus. These forces could integrate under one National Army Congress. An important perception – we have to keep in our minds that the professional national army should be inclusive in all its ranks, divisions, and specializations.

    In the end, the politicians, professionals, and the army could unite under one National Congress which we could call: The Eritrean Himarat/Yiakil/Justice-Seekers National Congress. The responsibility of this Congress is to guide the revolution until the downfall of the regime.


    The integration to be taken seriously and be functional, all components of the Himarat National Congress could sign a declaration. A commitment that all members of Congress should comply with its resolutions and objectives. The name of the document could be Justice-Seekers/Yiakil/Himarat Declaration.


    The parties that constitute the Himarat Congress are committed to making Eritrea ruled by law that is written down by the will of her people. Moreover, they agree to keep the bondage of the Congress strong, and preserved from fragmentation.

    To safeguard internal Eritrean cohesion, the parties that compose the Congress conform to renounce the spread of hatred, racism, regionalism and any disgraceful pursuit. These prior mentioned Issues could generate partition among the people of Eritrea; therefore, they have to evade them. Equally, they promise to practice transparency, accountability, and credibility in their struggle until the establishment of a democratic nation. Likewise, they agree to denounce the practices of deception against the revolution, individuals and any group of Eritreans.

    Driven by national responsibility, the parties that constitute the Congress pledge to elect – in all leading positions – an educated, experienced, dedicated, and active person. A person who does not shiver in defending the rights of all constituents of our county. On top of that, they give an assurance to avoid propagating controversial issues that might create distrust, havoc, and mayhem among the people of Eritrean. Additionally, they endorse that sacrifices are not a debt on the people of Eritrea, and they too concur to stay loyal to the people of Eritrea in all their works.


    The parties that set up the Congress agree to respect the rights of all Eritreans to obtain their aspirations and elect their representatives freely. Likewise, they consent to recognize the human rights recommended in international conventions. They also consider that all Eritreans are equal in front of the law, and the abuse of any Eritrean is the abuse of all of them.
    For the advantages of national solidarity, the parties of the Himarat/Yiakil Congress agree on inclusiveness. The comprehensiveness which allows the participation of all Eritreans in the governance of their nation. On top of that, they strongly object to the marginalization of any group of Eritreans. Similarly, they strictly oppose the practices of guardianship on any constituent of the Eritrean people.


    Restricting the process of solving disagreements, the parties that shape the Congress pledge to resolve conflicts and misunderstandings among Eritreans through dialogue. On the other hand, they assent to fully support a peaceful and transparent transfer of power among all the political array. Moreover, they agree that they all object to military rule after the demise of the regime and a coup de’tat against a democratically elected government. Equally, they strongly oppose the use of power outside the law.

    Over and above that, they promise to distance themselves from the practices of discrimination among the constituents of the Eritrean people. They as well consider secrecy in national affairs as ignoring the people of Eritrea and national treason.


    For the integrity of the revolution and its honorable outcome, the parties that constitute the Congress agree to an inclusive transitional government composed of technocrats, who didn’t participate in any ruling position in the past. They too concur to disallow transitional period rulers from participating in the parliamentary election for five rounds.

    Furthermore, they consent that the people of Eritrean to nominate technocrats, and the nominated technocrats could make the transitional period arrangements. The arrangements of the nominated technocrats should pass to Himarat National Congress for approval before the demise of the regime. Most probably, such a kind of procedure will make the revolution mission safe and intact until the establishment of a democratic nation.

    The parties likewise could agree to the notion that the revolution leadership period should end with the demise of the regime. Then without delay, they should pave the way for the transitional government to guide the country.


    I guess, both the partition and declaration are a way of uniting the people of Eritrea into one robust revolution. The cities, states, continents, parties, and Himarat/Yiakil National Congress could sign the declaration and adhere to it until the mission – a democratic nation – is accomplished.

    Signing this code of conduct is a way of protecting the revolution and informing the people of Eritrea where they are heading from the onset. It is also a means of connecting the present with the future. A connection where no individual or a group of Eritreans could move forward blindly – every step regarding the future should be crystal clear and carefully calculated for all Eritreans. Likewise, this declaration should be a deeply rooted culture among all Eritreans.


    • Hameed Al-Arabi

      Ahlan All,

      Isaias gets his power in partition of our people, and the Eritrean people attain their power in UNITY IN DIVERSITY.


  • መሃንድስ-ምዕባለ


    ‘ዛ እንኮ ደርሆይ ክሸጣ ወሪደ
    ዕዳጋ ምስበጻሕኩ ግን ሰንቢደ
    ድምጺ ደቂሰባት ጠፊኡ
    ናበይ ደኣ ተሓብኡ

    እምበርዶ ‘ዩ ድሮ ኣውደ-ኣመት
    ናበይ ደኣ ኣበሉ ሰብ ንብረት

    ኢለ ንዳሓሰብኩ
    ብማዕዶ ሓደ ሰብ ረኣኹ

    ናባይ ገጹ ኣምረሐ
    ኣብ ጥቓይ ምስበጽሐ
    ፍስኽ ብምባል ገጹ ኣብረሀ

    መዓልካ ድማ በለኒ
    ‘ዛ ደርሆ ክንደይ ትሸጣ ዝብለኒ

    ዕድል ‘ባ ጌርካ ደርሆኻ ዝይተሃገረት
    ወዲ ኣይተ! ‘ንታይ ስለዝገበረት?
    ስለዝኾነት ናይ መንግስቲ ንብረት

    ናይ መንግስቲ?
    መን ዝሃቦ ናይ መንግስቲ
    ኣብ ግዝኣት ህግደፍ ንብረት የለን ናይ ብሕቲ
    ኣየረክብን ተልካ ግን ኣላትካ ‘ታ ኳሬንቲ
    ወይድማ ትጥዕማ ጉስጢ ናይ ትልንቲ

    ምኽሪ ክልግሰልካ
    ‘ዛ ደርሆኻ ከይተመንጠልካ

    ሰተት ኢልካ ተመለስ
    ‘ተ ዘይኮይኑ ደም ከይትፋሰስ

    ስግንጢር ሕጊ-ህግደፍ ናይ ኤርትራ
    ከየእተወትካ ኣብ መከራ
    ‘ተዘይኮይኑ ኣብ ክሳራ
    ኪድ ተመለስ ዓድኻ
    ኢድካን እግሪ ደርሆኻን ከይተኣስራ

    ኣንታ ወዲ
    ካን ከምኡ ኮይና ተሪፋ ዓዲ

    በል ካብ በልካስ ክኸይድ
    ኣይደልን ‘የ ክቐየድ

    ርሑስ ኣውደኣመት ይግበሮ
    ንህግደፍ ድማ ጸውዓሉ ቀባሮ

  • Haile S.

    Selam Nuredin,

    Thank you for this cautiously positive, forward looking article on the yiakl movement. Yiakl is a movement that all eritreans should adhere to. We should be all membership card holders, if there is one. As you said, every eritrean is saying yiakl in his heart and soul. Even the regime apologists and YPFDJ feel the same way, but are blinded by the absence of visible & reliable alternative because in their mind the hardly won independence is fragile. All of us got used to this one movement that ended up becoming PFDJ. The other movements have been too shy in truly opposing the regime and in at least verbally strongly supporting the standing & independence of the country, leaving the terrain to the PFDJ and its foreign adversaries. EPLF/PFDJ has been left to be the sole guarantor of eritrean sovereignty and a medic of its fragility. Unfortunately, there is some truth to it. What is completely wrong is, this fragility cannot be remedied by further fragmenting the people, what the regime is exactly doing and many opposing groups fanning it with their own agendas.
    Every eritrean need to exteriorize his shout of yiakl, to stop internalizing it, to make it know to the regime and to the old and emerging new parties and groupings seemingly opposed to Isayas and his regime, but also hurting Eritrea, segmenting it along blood-lines and weakening Eritrea and eritreans like the regime does. Yiakl should be addressed to ourselves for keeping the pain inside. Silence is our sickness, if at all we are afflicted by one. We as a people don’t have a sickness that apparent-well-wishers are labeling us with. Yiakl also applies to these many “doctors” who are diagnosing and attributing sickness of their own on eritreans, on highlander eritreans in particular. Yiakl to those that are aiming at eritrea’s existence and harmony through culpabilizing the highlander eritrean or throwing the feeling of their own culpability on a whole people. I am referring to the lectures and interviews of the likes of ato Mehari Tesfamichael (EBFM) and other eritreans or tigrians through different media outlets in Tigray. It looks like they have decided their attack as “now or never”. if there is anyone sick inside, they have to look among themselves, not on eritreans or eritrean highlanders as a whole. If the present leader of Eritrea was a Mohammed these people will diagnose an Arabian-fever on eritreans in order to dismantle Eritreas harmony. Eritrea’s internal harmony primes over cross-border kinship. The kinship is there, they need stop transforming it to an instrument of kill. Therefore, the yiakl should not stop at Isayas’s door. More importantly, yiakl’s diversity and inclusiveness of all eritrean colors is more and more sought for. As long as the yiakl is for eritrea’s and eritrean’s standing, it need to voice yiakl against all those against both. ተመሊስካ እትረድ’ኦ ገዲፍካዮ ኣይትእቶ።

    ናይ ይኣክል ኣባል
    ህረም ናይ ሰላም ናይ ራህዋ ደወል

    ማሕበር ይኣክል
    ደጋግሙ ይኣክል
    ጥረ ይትረፍ ንሕሰብ ብሱል
    ካብ ቅልጽም ንስገር ናብ ሓንጎል
    ብይኣክል! የለን ዘይከኣል
    ንበል ይኣክል

    ንፍጠር ድልድል ኣብ ውሽጥና
    ምስ ደቂ ሃገርና ኣሕዋትና
    ……… ካይብተን ሓድነትና
    ዘጥፍኦ የለን ስጋዊ ዝምድናታትና
    ክኸውን የብሉን መፍለይና

    ንበል ህግደፍ ይኣክል
    ንዕቀት ዜጋ የእክል
    ህዝቢ እዩ ናይ ሃገር ሉል
    ህዝቢ እዩ ናይ ህዝቢ ወኪል
    ዓቕሚ ስለዝስኣንኩም ተቐበሉ ይኣክል

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam Hailat,

      I know you don’t like criticism. But Could you elaborate your theory that says “ህዝቢ እዩ ናይ ህዝቢ ወኪል”? The statement refers for two “ህዝቢ.”

      • Haile S.

        Selam Emma,

        What I don’t like is an attack from a ‘fermentation chamber’. What I mean by ህዝቢ እዩ ናይ ህዝቢ ወኪል is PFDJ are not representative of the people because they don’t involve the people in the decision making.

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Selam Hailat,

          Your answers always generate more Questions. Part of the problem is, you are not a straight shooter. Again, what do you mean by “fermentation chamber” if it has a political implication at all? Shoot straight whoever is your target.

          • Haile S.

            Whether I am ኣማቲ or ጨማቲ you are entitled to your opinion. When you say “I know you don’t like criticism”, you are bringing it from your fermentation chamber, ካብ ዝተኣልከ። Otherwise, there was no need of saying that in the question. Debate is not about bring down one and putting yourself up. ክርፍስ is!

          • Paulos

            ሰላም ሃይላት,

            ዝተኣልከ ወይስ ዝተጠጀኣ? 😬

          • Haile S.

            Selam Paul,

            ጥቓ መደበር፡ እታ ዝበልካያ ክንበልዕ ምስ ከድና፡ ከነጻርዮ ኢና።

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Selam Dr Paulos,

            Here is the way I understand the difference between “ዝተኣልከ” and “ዝተጠጀአ”.

            ዝተጠጀአ = is a “compound” that is fermented with a fermenter. Example ዝተጠጀኤ ስዋ ብጌሶ.

            ዝተኣልከ = a “substance” wetted with water. Example ዝተኣልከ ክዳን ንክሕጸብ.

          • Paulos

            Selam Professor A. Hidrat,

            It makes sense. Thank you but it seems to carry a sarcastic undertone when one uses it particularly the latter for a metaphor or in a figurative speech.

          • Amanuel Hidrat


            As to what “figurative word” for a figurative speech is intended in Hailat’s comment, I left it to you to determine it as to which is appropriate to the word fermentation.


          • Paulos

            Selam Professor A. Hidrat,

            Hope you don’t take this ከም ምድፋር for I say it respectfully. You need to take things easy sometimes for you come across more often as too serious. You certainly have a very strong personality and character but again we all need a chill time in between in a bid to see the lighter side of life in general. Respectfully.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Selam Hailat,

            Asking to know what you mean is not “ክርፍስ”. If you don’t cry foul, I could interpret it how I see it. Second, if I have a “fermentation chamber” you also have your own “fermentation chamber”. I thought it has a political connotation until you tell now. So I will handle it the way you did if you are comfortable with that.

          • Haile S.

            You didn’t ask only. You added something else. Don’t expect me to pass with out responding to what you added.

    • Consolation

      ቶም ዕስራ ዓመት ዝኸርተቱ ኣብ ክድምና
      ሎምስ ምኣኸለኩም ከይመትኩም ስቓይ ጀሃና
      ቶም መሲሕዪን ቍረቡ ተቐበሉ ህብስተ ማና
      ቶም ሙስሊሚን ሓጅጁ ብጽሑ መካ መዲና

      • Haile S.

        ሰላም ደባስ፡

        ነጠባ ዶ ክብለካ
        እምብኣር ጥብ ኢልካ
        ከም ኣመልካ
        ክንቲትካ ስሒልካ
        እታ ንፈልጣ ጽሑፍካ ተጎልቢብካ
        ንኤሱ ጥዒሙ ድምጽካ
        ኬን በሎ ሕማቕ መልሓስካ
        ናቱ ኮነ ናትካ
        ኣይምነየሉን ዋላ ንኣባይካ
        ኣንታ ደባስ፡ እንታይ ኣለዎ ንእንኮ መዓልቲ ‘ተለወጥካ?

  • In its short life history, Enough/Yi’akil perspectives and mechanisms outweigh the basis of establishment of the old Opposition elements, to which, I believe the author adheres to from the writing. The old oppositions were established from angry basis, religious influence and the like.

    We can only agree that Enough/Yi’akil has achieved the necessary respect for people to be aware and avoid fear to speak up against tyranny in Eritrea -where the old oppositions miserably failed. I call on the old oppositions to surrender to the new peaceable and engaging movements.

    Enough/Yi’akil is the way- let us join, I say.

    • Hameed Al-Arabi

      Ahlan SeberAngle,

      A revolution means the participation of all components of the society. In a revolution the young, old, men, women, parties, fronts, civil societies, activists, etc. should unite and fight their common enemy in unison. I guess, you think in a party mentality. To succeed against tyranny we should shift to a revolution psychology or we will not be able to succeed whether we said Yiakil or not. Please, check revolutions in the world.


      • Ya Shiekh Al Arabi,
        You claim……. I say one would have to reconcile with oneself. Previously, Jebha was influenced by religious hegemony. Following the oppositions, now of old, immanated from angry and biased views.

        • Hameed Al-Arabi

          Ahlan SeberAngle,

          I am not speaking about the Jebha and Shabia religions. My comment is about a revolution. A revolution should be only one if success is required. Are you against fighting Eritreans their enemy in unison? I hope you answer this question before giving any other opinion about the religions of the fronts.

          In my previous comment, I said you think in a party mentality, and today you have proved what I have gone far too. I am sure you don’t realize that. You are a hamlet guy and a hamlet thinker. 100% ቁሸታዊ ኣታሓሳስባ ትውንን::


          • selamat,
            All far-winged entities, example the far-left socialists communists, also the far-right engrossed by hate for example of migrants like you and me- come engaged with ‘technical worded language’. For example, you coming up with terminologies like REVOLUTION, PARTY MENTALITY…etc…aquisted with a mindset of ideologues.
            #yiAkl and the like enshrined with realism is the only positive way which I conclude, the Isaias Afwerki and the your ilks will fear.
            I say, the old oppositions should raise their hands and be disbanded.
            google my name.

          • Hameed Al-Arabi

            Ahlan SeberAngle,

            Read above, broken Angle, about a revolution and powerful YIAKIL.


  • Brhan

    Thank you Nuredin for your article

    The good thing is now that ideas and practices have started to go hand in hand.

    I have attended Yakil/كفاية/Enough meetings and some of the points you raised were highlighted by some participants. As the movement continues articles such as yours are important to help the movement to be on the right track .

  • መሃንድስ-ምዕባለ


    ምዕጉርተይ በበይኑ
    ትሓደ ገጽ ሰቢሑ ትሓደ ግን ቀጢኑ

    መልክዕ ገጸይ ቀይርዎ
    ኣይፈለጥኩን ‘ታይ ከምዝበደልክዎ

    ተገረምኩ ስለምንታይ
    ኣብ ሓደ ገጽ ክንድዚ ምፍልላይ
    ወሪዱኒ ዛህላይ

    ጸሓይ ክበርቕ ከሎ ንኹሉ
    ናይ ጸጋም ክውቃዕ መዓስ ናይ ጸጋም ኣጽሊሉ
    ከመይ ኢሉ

    እሞ ‘ንታይ ደኣዩ ትሓደ ገጽ ዘስተማስል?
    ብሕሰም ክቕህምል
    ከፊኡኒሎ ክብል
    ትሓደ ግን ይጽንብል
    ፍስሃ-ወሰላም ዝብል
    ብሓጎስ ይዘልል
    ወይ ጉድ

    ክልቲኦም ኣብ ሓደ ገጽ
    ‘ቲ ሓደ ኣብ ጓይላ ቲሓደ ኣብ ረመጽ
    ‘ቲሓደ ከስተንትን ትሓደ ዝብለጽ
    ‘ትሓደ ኣፍልቡ ክነፍሕ ‘ቲ ሓደ ግን ይዕምጸጽ

    ናተይ ገጽሲ ንበይናያ
    ሓንቲ ዓይንን ሓንቲ እዝንን ምስኣ ክበኽያ
    ፍርቂ ኣስናንነይ ክኹርያ
    ፍርቂ ገጸይ ኣድራሽኡ ኣብ ኣኽርያ
    ኣብ ዘይፍሉጥ ጽርግያ
    ናተይ ገጽሲ ርኢናያ

    ደሓን ኣይትብከዩላ
    ክልቲአን ምዕጉርቲ ማዕረ ዝኾነላ
    ትቐርብያ ዘላ

  • Hameed Al-Arabi

    Ahlan Awates,

    When the Italians threw light flares that illuminate battlefield, Allula said his famous saying, “ምስ እግዛበሄር መን ይዋጋእ” and escaped to his homeland, Tigrai. The highland of Eritrea breathed freedom after the ran away of the crude.


  • Paulos

    Selam My Good People,

    Where is everybody? ጽምጽም ኢሉ::

    The thing that keeps us grounded to Earth is the tyranny of gravity but humanity has thus far found a way around it through the innovation of thrust as in engines among others. To be sure however, I am not trying to comment on gravity per se but rather about the kind of gravity that keeps us grounded onto the thing we call “Social Contract.” In short, the innovation humanity came up to tame the animal instinct in all of us lest all against all rules the day. That said however, the social contract gave us a degree of freedom with in the framework of political institutions—Democracy, Liberalism as in the right to speak, worship and movement inter alia.

    When the said fundamental rights are universal, in today’s Eritrea, they are off limits particularly the last one—rights of movement. As it happened, I just finished reading a news item on Erena where Eritrea’s National Football team is off to Namibia for a match but there is a vexing mood lurking with in the power be but not so much if the team is going to lose but rather if the players are going to come back or not. The ingenious innovation the regime has come up dwarfs the tyranny of gravity. The regime rendered every player to put upfront one hundred thousand Nakfa or a house for a collateral. Only in Eritrea. And that is a feat of genius to say the least.

    Some may make the argument that the government is supposed to help the people on how to make one hundred thousand Nakfa or on how to investment on houses instead of taking them for a collateral but the thing is, one would make that kind of argument only if one is a Weyane stooge. How true!

    • Saleh Johar

      The system had a glitch. Now it’s back, thanks to God.

      • Paulos

        Selam Ayay,

        Glad to hear. It was kinda creepy to see it like the abandoned towns al’a Spaghetti Western movies sans a whistle on the background.

        • Saleh Johar

          Don’t feel that way unless you see tumble weed and a terrifying background music, the Good the bad and the ugly or Un Dolloro Bucato 🙂

  • Nitricc

    Hi All; I was off duty this weekend and made it sure, I did nothing but watch all the madness on you tube. The Eritreans are going banana in you tube war front. First there were the YaAkil BS and then the leaders of the YaAkil BS, came clean and declared their Tigrayn blood line and voicing their allegiance to the Tigray-Tigrigni fantasy . And this the entire YaAkil idiots, divided in three groups. The YaAkil group is effectively dead. Now the new front is between the Tigrai-Tigrigna versus the former YaAkil group turned to pro Eritrean unity while the PFDJ supporters laughing in the sideline. The YaAkil BS was conceived in Mekelle and it was designed to agitate and move Eritreans inside the country and aboard. Well, like everything in the past the YaAkil joke is dead and the Tigray-Tigrigni idiots are on. What all of you failed to realize is what you are doing is you are helping the very thing you hate, the government of Eritrea. Real Eritrean who cares about his and her people and country will never support anything that is designed, financed and executed by TPLF thugs and their stupid elites. I KNOW nothing about EPLF and their ways of doing things but from what I can see who they are and what they have done, it
    is utterly a waste of time and energy in trying to overthrow them by the streets shouting YiAkil. I mean, one must be really stupid and demented to think a government that stood up to Yemen, Ethiopia and Sudan in unity who planned to suffocate kill the war tried, economic deprived and morally downed the government of Eritrea to fall, not only unreservedly failed but They all are destroyed while the Eritrean government stood and soaring. Now, do you really believe that the government of Eritrea will downed by your stupid and childish YiAkil BS? ReallY? Don’t answer, the YiAkil BS is dead anyway.

    • Peace!

      Hi Nitric,

      Man, that bad! I up voted g michael Tzerai for his claim that Y’akil is a spontaneous reaction to the dire circumstance in Eritrea and we all need to act with sense of urgency. Which one is spontaneous then?


    • Kokhob Selam

      Yes Dear Nitric,

      Once again read it please,

      “Even though it has scored unprecedented success in stimulating tens of thousands of Eritreans, including the silent majority and some former supporters of PFDJ, to call for political change in Eritrea, the Enough/Yi’akil campaign has also had its ups and downs.” check it now..


  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Selam Nuredin,

    Until this date the movement is a spontaneous mass movement. Unless this movement is centralalized with a leadership to direct and monitor it, it will die like any other movements we have seen in the Eritrean political discourse. In any struggle of mass movement, It is hardly possible to maintain continuity nor could it achieve a tangible success without an organization. Organization is the instrument of success. So my advice to the Yeakil movement is: once they get broad support of the public as grass root movement, the next stage is to transform themselves in to a well organized movement, with a leadership that gives the directions and the tools to fight, in unison in all part of the world as well as in the heart of our nation. Without that it will not be a meaningful movement with continuity of a formidable force of change. Wish them success on all their endeavors.


  • g. michael Tzerai

    Hi Nuredine,
    Thank you for your addressing the issue of the Yiakle movement.
    Yiakle is an expression of an outrage to issayas abuse of power. There is a sense of urgency for action to happen to remove the dictator and hearts and minds of Yi’akle movement are racing against time.This urgency is based on the realization that there is a conspiracy by Issayas and Dr. Abiy to undermine our sovereignty. There are regional and international actors, too that have overwhelming power, money and influence that can force the dictator to act for his own survival at the cost of Eritrea’s sovereignty not just Ethiopians.

    The notion that Issayas has been and is an Ethiopian agent was perceived quite conspiratorial by most in the opposition. From deepest sentiments he expressed in his appearances in Ethiopia to the larger policy of “regional integration” envisioned by both leaders and recent revelations by Mesfun Hagos on Issays desire to consider to form some sort of union with Ethiopia on the aftermath of independence, it can easily be seen that Issaya’s has always wanted Eritrea’s sovereignty as a bargaining chip to gain power in Ethiopia.

    This is the worst nightmare that Eritreans have to endure in this turbulent times and at a time the dictator has depleted Eritrea’s prized assets – its youth and educated members through migration scattered across the globe and depopulated the nation to suite his power for control.

    The outrage has lead to call for action. Unfortunately, there’s no time left to fine tune the composition of Yiakle to demands of diversity. The reason? If you look at each locality that rise up to respond to Yiakle, Nobody plans it. It is a spontaneous reaction to the dire circumstance in Eritrea. What is more, who in the world don’t know that sad and precarious situation of Eritrea. They just choose to ignore. If those that rose happens to come from a certain region or religion of Eritrea, what you see is what you get. It is up to the others in that locality to wake up and respond to the outreach. If others chose not to respond, you don’t blame those that rose and organize themselves at any level. In the case of the 35 communities in the US, they chose to organize and form a representative leadership based on grassroots representation. There are those who indicate that beyond the calls of Yiakle, there are special techniques or channels of communication that yield the desired diversity. They will even go to cite instances where it worked. This runs counter to the notion that this is a grass root movement. A genuine diversity can only come if people in those localities respond to outreaches by the Yiakle group in that locality. Those who are calling for diversity to happen first, and every body sit and wait for that day to come fail to understand there is a built in momentum for action and the first action is to organize. Members of others in our society who are not represented, should organize at the local level and based on democratic elections compete at the local level for representation.

    • Paulos

      Selam Tzerai,

      The subtleties we see with in the patterns of the Yiakil movement is rather interesting to say the least. The impetus was not in reaction to Isaias’ unimaginable contempt for the Eritrean polity but rather it was a reaction to what Isaias had said about flirting with “Neo-Andnet” mantra. That said however, it is all circumstantial bereft of solid evidence if Isaias’ long term “vision” is to bring Eritrea back to Ethiopia-proper much less him being a sleeper Ethiopian agent.

      Moreover, the crucial challenge of the Yiakil movement is not lack of inclusiveness whatever that means but on how to translate the movement or outsource it to Eritrea for Isaias and his regime happens to reside in Eritrea. We need to get a grip of reality!

      • Peace!


        ata wedi aleka dika aytetfaana ba!


        • Paulos

          ሰላም ዓቢ ሰብ,

          እንጀራ ሕሱም ኣጥፊኡኒ ዝዓብዩ ቆልዑ ክቕልብ: ብወገንካ ኩሉ ሰላም ክህሉ ተስፋ’ገብር::

      • g. michael Tzerai

        Selamat Paulos,

        The impetus would be to both in reaction to Isaias’ unimaginable contempt as well as his flirting with “Neo-Andnet.” How can anyone miss Issaia’s unfiltered public display of hallelujah – a fulfillment of his deepest wishes by holding his hands on his chest and looked completely overwhelmed with joy with the Ethiopian crowd chanting Isu! Isu!and for any one who doubted him his ’emenuni kablbey ye zzareb zeloku’ confession . How else does one doubt Issayas. No, there was no formal ceremony of handing over our sovereignty although they jokingly expressed strange and totally undiplomatic as well as worrisome exchange of jokes. Any one would be worried when Issais pronouncements are cross checked with statements of senior officials of the Ethiopian government including that of Abiy and Djibouti’s Gulle. The fact that we don’t trust Issayas and there is no accountable leadership in itself, in a dangerous neighborhood, is enough to lose sleep. Add to it, Issaias has rendered Eritrea vulnerable.
        No, you cannot wait for solid evidence. There is enough of this to cause anxiety in the Yiakle movement.
        What could have slowed the path towards integration? It could be Issais and Abiy did not expect the Eritrean peoples’ swift and unanimous disapproval and opposition to his engagement with the Ethiopians. It could also be the Tigrayans, not being on the same page with Abiy and Issaias. Besides, no one knows what is happening behind the scene. Road and rail connection without the involvement of our people appears to be in progress.

        Ideally, if the local Yiakl community could reflect as close as possible to Eritrea’s diversity, it would be a great beginning. This would reflect at the country, and the future at the global level of representation. It is crucial for a sustainable long march to remove the dictator. No single group would be effective and the long march should also be an exercise in democracy.

        ‘Translate the movement or out source it to Eritrea’ is for sure the real problem. Diaspora has enough resources both material and human, to influence domestic progress to remove the dictator. Without being organized, this will remain to be a problem. A global Yiakle movement can lead to a diaspora organization with global foot print that can wage a diplomatic fight to further isolate the regime and provide political support and where possible material as well, to domestic forces of change. Eritrean problem to remove a dictator and institutionalize democracy and the rule of law is uniquely difficult. We have none of the benefits of elementary democracy such as a constitution, political parties and the civil service that the Sudanese, Egyptians, Tunisians and Algerians or Ethiopians for that matter when they waged their social revolutions. Consequently, ours will have to be unique in the approach and the details to remove the dictator.

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Selam G/michael,

          “Ideally, if the local Yiakl community could reflect as close as possible to Eritrea’s diversity, it would be a great beginning.” Good point as rational premises. After all if any movement does not reflect the diversity of Eritrea, it does not go anywhere. The Yeakil movement should strive to reflect our diversity.