Home / All / The Chronology of Eritrea’s Reform Movement (2000-2001)

The Chronology of Eritrea’s Reform Movement (2000-2001)

On December 5, 2002, the Awate Team published an article entitled “The Chronology of The Reform Movement”, which we introduced with the words “The following is a chronicle of the reform movement…” It covers the period of August 2000–the beginning of the reform movement–to December 2001.  Of course, Eritreans’ call for reform is as old as our politics, so why is September 18, 2001 significant? And it hasn’t stopped after September 18, 2001: thousands continue to call for reform and then get arrested, are made to disappear or are exiled.  So, again, why is September 18, 2001 significant?

Prior to September 18, 2001, all the horrendous crimes of the Revolution and the Government could be dismissed with: what is your evidence? What evidence is there that this crime you are alleging happened?  In this particular case, September 18, 2001, that convenient dismissal is not available to the criminals in power: (a) those arrested and the causes they espoused were given wide publicity in Eritrean and international media;  (b) those arrested and made to disappear are well-known individuals (including former cabinet members); (c) the criminals have persisted in their crime: they have not brought the arrested to a court of law, they have not passed a sentence, they have not allowed family members to visit them, they have not confirmed to their families if they are alive or dead.  In short, September 18, 2001 is significant because anybody who knows the difference between good and evil, right and wrong, has no choice but to conclude that what “the government” has perpetrated is wrong. And if it can be this cruel to its own colleagues, then, anybody who can use facts and reason must conclude that it is just as likely, if not more likely, to commit the same abuse of power–arrest without charge, disappearance, failure to account for citizens, denying families visitation rights–to thousands of anonymous Eritreans.

It has been twelve years since September 18, 2001.  Cruel regimes like the one in Eritrea depend on the human capacity to forget, to mis-remember, to be overwhelmed by life.  They actually expect–and, unfortunately, succeed in their expectations–that new headlines, new gruesome details, new meaningless maneuvers (rotating ministers and party officials, for example) will distract us from our primary goal: justice.  Cruel regimes even try to confuse people about the meaning of “justice” by focusing on its layers–social justice, economic justice–or using standards that are alien to the people’s values.  In Eritrea’s traditional society–its faith and culture–justice is based on morality and ethics.   On the other hand, the Eritrean regime has repeatedly said that “we have our own culture” of dealing with prisoners: the culture they are referring to is one incubated during the Revolution: it is a form of “justice” more concerned with preventing future “crimes” (by setting a scary example) than actually dealing with the present alleged transgression.  This ends up achieving two things: creating a frightened society and an abusive government.  An open air prison where the people are too afraid to think, to innovate, to produce: they are just serving.  Serving an undeclared sentence, serving a government, until such time that it becomes unbearable and they will take any risk, pay any price, to leave their own country.  The abusive government which is more concerned about future crimes than past crimes–it has defined justice to mean creating an obedient citizenery–continues to be incrementally more abusive until there is a time when the people are on the verge of rebellion.  Then, the boss of the mafia regime rotates people in an attempt–one more time–to convince the people that there is nothing wrong with his vision, or his policies; there is failure in execution.  And  each game of musical chairs has a diminishing return because some chairs are permanent–no matter the rotation–and because people know in their hearts that the problem is not the people executing the policies but the policies themselves.

It is this culture–the culture of secrecy, the culture of political nepotism, the culture of the permanent ruling oligarchy, the culture of power abuse, the culture of lack of institutionalism, the culture of punishment/reward based not on merit but the moods of a moody dictator–that the victims of September 18, 2001 were trying to change.  They were trying to reform an unjust system. And this is why you should know their story.

The following is a chronicle of the reform movement that emerged from within the PFDJ as well as academic and scholars sympathetic to the PFDJ.  We think, in this day and age where facts and truth are in short supply, we owe it to our readers to give them a factual representations of the events that began on August 2000.)

August and September 2000: the Central Office of the PFDJ and the National Assembly of Eritrea hold two sessions.  The PFDJ Central Office prepares an “assessment” of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war and presents it to members of the Central Committee.  The assessment states, “We should not deny that some senior cadres and leaders of the front had exhibited spirit of despair and defeatism…we should identify its origins and the appropriate solutions.” Members of the Central Committee argue that the Central Office does not have the authority to level accusations against the members of the Central Committee.  A decision is made to make a more comprehensive assessment for submission to the next session of the Central Committee.  The National Assembly decides on  Eritrea’s first election: December 2001 and appoints a committee, headed by Mahmoud Sherifo, Vice-President, to draft the electoral and party formation laws.

October 1, 2000:  Having met in Germany in the last week of September, thirteen Eritrean scholars and professionals, later known as “G-13”, who reside in Europe, the United States, Eritrea and South Africa, write a letter to President Isaias Afwerki.   The letter, which was leaked and came to be as the “Berlin Manifesto” spoke of a nation whose government is beset by “serious contradiction and a major rift among the leadership” and called for a sober appraisal of post-war Eritrea.  It called for national reconciliation, collective leadership, implementation of the ratified constitution, abolishing the “Special Court”, divesting the ruling party from the economic life of Eritrea and called on the President to seize the moment to turn a crisis into an opportunity to “re-claim your hard-earned reputation.” The letter was signed by Araya Debessay (USA); Assefaw Tekeste (USA); Bereket Habte Selassie (USA), Dawit Mesfin (UK), Haile Debas (USA); Kassahun Checole (USA); Khaled Beshir (USA), Miriam M. Omar (UK); Mohammed Kheir Omar (Norway); Mussie Misghina (Sweden); Paulos Tesfagiorgis (Eritrea); Reesom Haile (Brussels) and Lula Ghebreyesus (South Africa.)  The latter withdrew her association shortly after signing the document.

October 14, 2000:  Seven journalists employed with the private Eritrean press were arrested.  They include Milkias Mehretab, Yousef Mohammed Ali, Dawit Habtemichael, Yebio Gebremedhin, Selam Menghis, Mathewos and Semret Asmelash.  The government denied that their arrest was due to the fact that their papers publicized the “Berlin Manifesto.”

November 8, 2000:  Saleh Kekya, who had served as the Chief Administrator of the president’s office and later as Eritrea’s Ambassador to the Sudan before taking the transportation and communication portfolio, was transferred to the mayorship of the port city of Assab. The Minister refused the assignment.

January 1, 2001:  Dawit Mesfin, a participant in the meeting held in Germany that resulted in the “Berlin Manifesto”, is interviewed by Awate.com shortly after his return from Asmara.  Mr. Dawit Mesfin, along with ten signatories of the Berlin Manifesto, had traveled to Asmara, at the invitation of President Isaias Afwerki, to discuss the issues they raised in their letter.  Dawit Mesfin describes the meeting the group had with President Isaias Afwerki on November 25, 2000 as a “gate crashing experience”from the standpoint that it actually took place.  However, in terms of content, about an hour of the time was spent discussing the leaking of the private letter.

January 2001:  the Government of Eritrea circulates a “discussion paper” to select senior cadres and leaders of the ruling party.  Entitled “Woyane’s Third Offensive And the Political Campaign That Followed It,”  the paper, which was leaked to several Eritreans and Eritrean media outlets, described its purpose as an attempt to “assess the political climate that followed the Third Offensive and to expose the campaign of confusion and to challenge the budding negative commentary.”  The paper, whose source later turned out to be the PFDJ’s Central Office, claims that the problem is not that the President exercises too much control, but that there was insufficient control of the ministries.  The paper assessed (1) The War and Its Origins; (2) Eritrea’s Diplomatic State of Affairs; (3) Eritrea’s Economic & Social Development; (4) Implementation of Eritrea’s Constitution & Democracy; (5) The Front & Its Role.   The paper’s conclusion included the following assessment:

In this destructive campaign, it is expected that the Woyane would be vanguard.  It is a campaign that it has embarked on, and an effort it has accelerated, since the day after the conflict and for the last two and half years.  We can skip over the role of the traitors who collaborated with Woyane by saying it is no different from Woyane.  As for those who, in the midst of trying and challenging times, were jockeying and hustling about to exploit the situation by selling national and people’s interest for self-interest, we have seen many of these opportunists in our long struggle.  What demands attention, although very few in number, is the [presence of] cadres and leaders of the Front who, for various reasons (panic, hopelessness, absconding responsibility, to create political opportunities by complaining about lack of position and authority) participated in the campaign.

January 19, 2001: Major-General Berhane Gebrezgabhier is fired from his duties as Chief of the Eritrean National Reserve.

February 7, 2001: Mr Mahmoud Sherifo, the Vice President of Eritrea, the Minister of Local Governments and the National Assembly-appointed Chair of the Committee to Draft Electoral Laws, was fired by the President and his subordinates (the Regional Governors) ordered to report directly to the President’s Office.

March 8, 2001: Mr. Haile Menkorios, Eritrea’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, accepts a position with United Nation as the Secretary General’s envoy to Afghanistan.

April 6, 2001:  tSigenai, a private Eritrean newspaper, interviews Mr. Mahmoud Sherifo. States that his removal from office on February 5, 2001 was on the eve of the date that the committee he chaired, the Committee on Drafting Political Parties & Organizations, had a scheduled meeting to discuss the obstacles it had faced from the President’s office in carrying out its duties.  The former minister explained that the committee was authorized by and accountable to the National Assembly, which had authorized its work at its 13th Regular Session (9/00).   The committee had concluded its first draft on January 23, 2001, had disseminated copies of the draft to members of National Assembly members and had, via a request to the Ministry of Information, scheduled interviews with the government media for January 30, 2001.  Said Sherifo: “Suddenly, on January 29, 2001, we were told by the President to refrain from disseminating any information.  While we kept our counsel to be patient and go on preparing to inquire about these developments, we received a message from the President.  And the message informed us that the President has major observations on the draft laws and that he would set the schedule on when to disseminate the information to the public.”  Sherifo added that the “responsibility we were given by the National Assembly was snatched.”  Asked why he thought the president would do that, Sherifo replied: “I think it is because the President has no desire to see the formation of political parties before the elections scheduled for the end of the year.”

April 12, 2001: The First Comprehensive Manifesto for Reform, penned by “Tesfay-Sherif”, a pseudonym for “one or more” PFDJ Reformers surfaces.  This manual, written shortly after the end of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war, it the first detailed glimpse at the issues raised by the Dissenters.  It goes through an extensive assessment of the ruling party’s practices and their impact on the Eritrea-Ethiopia war.

On Obstacles to Institutionalism: “The most important problem hampering the establishment of institutionalization lies in freezing the constitution. It is evident that revolutionary traditions and mentality dominated the thinking of our leadership.”

On Why the national assembly is a “mere puppet”: “The National Assembly does not even have an office and does not hold regular sessions. It is presided by the President of the state who calls for sessions to convene whenever he wishes to do so. The purposes of most of the meetings are for enlightenment about developments or for hearing the reports of the cabinet of ministers and for approving them. The meetings have never come out with resolutions with the exception of pointing out, in the concluding communiqué’, to the importance of the issues that were discussed. There hasn’t been any voting system and the national assembly has never asked executive personnel or taken disciplinary steps to correct him as a legislative body controlling the executive body would be expected to do. It is only the President that is mandated with the first and last say on the concluding statements of the assembly. I think the basic reason for all these lies in the Marxists traditions of the organization and the negligence of those in charge towards the magnitude of their responsibilities. Moreover, the strength of the personality of the President and his inclination towards contempt of institutionalization and towards dwarfing the capabilities of his companions as well as his interest in having a say on everything, has greatly contributed to rendering the institution a mere puppet.”

On our relationships with:
(1) Saudi Arabia: “We started our first homework as an independent state with a fierce attack upon Saudi Arabia in our mass media,”(2) OAU  “ followed by an attack upon the OAU at its regular summit held in Cairo in 1993.”  (3) Arab League: “We also attacked, through statements made by our highest government officials, the Arab League of Nations expressing contempt on its role and effectiveness. (4Sudan:  “We severed our diplomatic relations with the Sudan abruptly and threatened to overthrow the regime in a few months inconsiderate of our interests in this neighboring state where a third of our population still live as refugees, employees and traders in different towns and villages within its borders. The reason that we claimed was the support given by the Sudanese government to the Eritrean Jihad group which is essentially superficial since this group does not possess the popularity that may enable it to threaten the stability of our nation and society. (5) Others:  “Moreover, our language of describing the international system of relations was so blunt that it roused the anger of the great powers. We described the international system by saying; ‘the collapse of the Eastern block and the domination of the world by one country has resulted into a relationship of subjugation among states’. Such statements were said by high-ranking government officials although everybody may read that such statements did not coincide with the reality of our tiny developing country. However, such statements may reflect the stuffed grudges of the poor countries, which necessarily alerts the rich western countries that view the new world order as the culmination of a perfect social system. (6) NGO’s: “The expulsion of NGOs and their description as immoral and inhuman was the peak of our challenging encounter with the western powers that view them as the most important means of materializing the new world order. (7) Ethiopia: the only country that we trusted was Ethiopia in spite of the knowledge of every cadre in the organization and its leadership that the TPLF had evil plans which it demonstrated in the eighties in an undisputed manner…”  When the president said, “we are thinking beyond what is called the border” and Ctwe are ready to found a confederation with Ethiopia” he did “not represent the thinking of the organization’s cadres or the feelings of the Eritrean people who could not forget the wounds of the past just because an ethnic minority which congratulated Eritrean independence, not because it could change the developments on the ground but because it would have been the first loser of opposing Eritrea’s independence, has come to power in Ethiopia.”

On Ignoring The Warning Signs from Ethiopia:
Issues such as claiming the ownership of “Badime” and “Bada” are nothing new. These claims started in the eighties although there was an intentional negligence from our side, for which we do not know the reasons. Moreover, the Ethiopians were unilaterally demarcating the places and creeping gradually towards the Gash River, probably to materialize the ancient map of old Tigray known as “Mereb- Milash”. Since 1994, the administrations of the Gash Barka region as well as our consulate in Mekele were sending reports notifying of developments concerning this issue. These reports were, however, neglected with contempt by the concerned government authorities in Eritrea and were viewed as the result of unjustified emotions. The activities of changing the marks across the border by the Tigrayan militias were described as being the deeds of some fanatics in the Zonal Administration and were not adopted by the TPLF, which was taken as a strategic friend, as an organization. In 1997 there came a new development as all the Eritrean inhabitants were deported from Badime in an organized manner. This incident was pictured by the Eritrean Television which also conducted some interviews with the deportees but the program was prohibited from being broadcast. The village of Adi-Murug in the Bada area was also occupied in about the same time.

On the Role of The “Council of Ministers”:
The Council of Ministers is totally ineffective. Any member in the council of ministers is appointed and expelled to and from the council by a letter from the President for reasons that are exclusively known only to the President. The Council does not have regular meetings and its sessions are limited to each Minister presenting the report of his Ministry and to listening to a briefing by the President on the current situation of the country. Major national issues such as foreign, security and economic policies are not discussed seriously.

On the Role of one-party state:
“…the non‑existence of political forces that compete with the PFDJ has caused a stagnation in the operational development of the efficiency of the organization and the government which became the main reason for administrative procrastination, nepotism, corruption and bureaucratic retard ness as well as the negligence towards the crucial issues of the development of the nation and the society.”

May 2, 2001:  Mr. Beraki Gebreslassie, the Eritrean Ambassador is called back to Eritrea.  Mr. Beraki Gebreslassie was the Minister of Information prior to his to assignment to Germany.  No assignments were given to him when he returned to Eritrea.

May 21, 2001:  tSigenai: Interview With Mesfun Hagos.  On meetings:  What is stipulated in the transitional constitution of the PFDJ is that the Executive Committee should schedule and attend a monthly meeting.   In reality, it has never met monthly.  Everyone knows this.”  On checks and balances: “… it is always the case that the Legislature controls the Executive institution.   In our experience, all the transitional constitutions that were adopted at the congresses of the Popular Front mention this process.   As for its practical execution, that is a different matter.”  On bequeathing power to the people: “It is not acceptable to itemize unacceptable reasons for delaying giving power to the people.”  On his view of the intra-leadership dispute:  “To exaggerate the differences above what is appropriate is not proper.  Although the official press presents the problem as non-existent, in the streets, the threats by some of those who are pointing these out [the differences] is not good for the country.   Internal disputes are solved by discussion and understanding not by threats and intimidation.

May 24, 2001:  In its inaugural issue, Shaebia org writes a conciliatory comment regarding the intra-PFDJ dispute.]

May 27, 2001: Fifteen members of the Central Committee of PFDJ [Eritrea’s ruling party] as well as Eritrea’s National Assembly signed an Open Letter to all PFDJ members. In the Open Letter, the authors, all prominent members of Eritrea’s liberation movement, accused the President of the Republic of Eritrea, Mr. Isaias Afwerki, of “conducting himself in an illegal and unconstitutional manner.”  The group, which later came to be known as “G-15”, or Reformers, called on the President to convene a meeting of Central Committee and the National Assembly so that the two bodies may conduct open discussion and extensive assessment of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war.  The 15 signatories are: (1) Mahmud Ahmed Sheriffo (2)  Haile Woldensae (3) Mesfin Hagos (4) General Ogbe Abrha (5) Hamid Hmd (6) Saleh Kekya (7) Brigadier General Estifanos Seyoum; (8) Berhane GhebreEghzabiher; (9) Astier Feshatsion; (10) Mohammed Berhan Blata;  (11) Petros Solomon; (12) Germano Nati; (13) Beraki Ghebreslassie; (14) Adhanom Ghebremariam and (15) Haile Menkerios.

May 31, 2001:  Meqaleh, a private Eritrean newspaperconducts an interview with Major General Berhane Gerezgheir.   The general says that on January 11, he was informed, verbally, by the Ministry of Defense that he was demoted and his rank taken.  On Janauary 12, he wrote a letter to President Isaias Afwerki, demanding a written explanation for the demotion because he believes that the honor he had was not a gift but a result of 30 years of struggle.  On January 20, the President’s office informed the General that the President was not willing to receive the letter and that it should be directed to the Ministry of Defense.   On February 6, he wrote a letter to the Ministry of Defense and as of the date of the interview, he had not received a response.  He says that in the past 7-8 years, he knows of fighters who have been “frozen” –paid but unemployed–“for a year, for two years, for five years and more.”

June 2, 2001:  MeQaleh reports about an address by Yemane Gebreab, PFDJ Political Director and Presidential Advisor, given to a session of the youth and students held at the Junior Club, regarding the open dispute within the PFDJ leadership.  The paper reports that he said, “Over the last ten years, we have been solving our internal disputes.   This, too, we shall solve and move on.”  Asked repeated questions on the subjects by attendants, particularly from Eritreans who arrived from foreign countries, Mr. Yemane Gebreab said, “ please forgive me as I am unable to say more on the subject.”

June 7, 2001:  The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) writes Eritrea’s Justice Minister, Fozia Hashim, inquiring of the whereabouts of 15 journalists.  The Justice Minister reports that they are either currently participating in national service or working for the government media or ministries.

June 8, 2001: President Isaias Afwerki fires the Minister of Trade and Industry, Mr. Haile Weldense (Drue) and the Minister of Marine Resources, Mr. Petros Solomon. Mr. Haile Weldense was the Foreign Minister during the two-year war with Ethiopia.   Both were signatories to the Open Letter, which was critical of President Isaias Afwerki.

June 10, 2001:  MeQaleh publishes an “Open Letter to the Eritrean People” written by Major General Berhane Gebrezgheir.] In this follow-up to his interview of May 31, 2001, the General explains that his complaint is not about his demotion but wants to clarify that the measures taken against him were as a direct result of his speaking up at the sessions of the Central Committee and National Assembly meetings of August and September 2000 respectively.   He says, “The Eritrean people have the right and the capability to know the truth and to propose solutions.”

June 11, 2001Tsigenai: Interview with Petros Solomon. Excerpts: “ When confronted with criticism, it is not useful to think only in terms of digging up trenches and launching counter-offensives….criticism should be accepted with an open heart and an environment of tolerance….institutionalism is the best approach to decision-making…nobody or no institution has a monopoly on wisdom and foresight….The mandate of the Special Court has lapsed and it should cease because, at this time, it is incompatible with the letter and the spirit of the Constitution.”

June 11, 2001: Keste Debena, a private Eritrean newspaper, publishes General Uqbe Abraha’s Open Letter.  The letter was in response to an article that appeared in the June 9, 2001 issue of Hadas Ertra, the government newspaper, reporting the findings of the Special Court, in the case of Mr. Tekeste Tesfatsion, who was an employee of the Red Sea Trading Corporation, or 09, the ruling party’s business conglomerate.   The General states that he had requested the right of rebuttal in the government newspaper and that he had been denied the opportunity, which forced him to use the private press.   The Special court claimed that the accused was “given illegal access to trade on the basis of commission by the then-senior managers of 09, Mr. Oqbe Abraha and Desu TesfatSion.”   In the open letter, General Uqbe proclaims his innocence and adds: “I have the right to defend myself, relying on truth and the law, in an independent court of law so I won’t be condemned for wrongs I did not commit.”    General Uqbe states that when he complained to the last session of the Central Committee (8/2000) about the government’s decision to deny him from exercising “the right and the duty to serve my government and my people” and that “the act of ‘freezing’ has induced mental stress which is a violation of my human rights,” the Central Committee had agreed to investigate the matter.  He believes the act of the Special Court is illegal as it undermines the work of the Central Committee and that this “goes to show, in my opinion, the preparatory work that is being undertaken for future steps against me.”

June 14, 2001: Eritrean journalists Alazar Kelit and Amanuel Zerzghi (New York) interview Ambassador Haile Menkorios.  Ambassador Haile calls for tolerance.  He says: “One may oppose an opinion; but it is not constructive to accuse someone of sub-nationalism and anti-national for refusing to march in step lock.”   Later on, he cancels a scheduled interview because he believes it is not constructive to polarize Eritreans into supporters and critics of the Reform movement and that he has come to believe that the interview would do just that.  He concludes his explanation by saying that he will neither nominate himself nor accept other’s nomination of him for any political office.  

June 17, 2001AFP reports that Petros Solomon calls for “new generation of leaders” in Eritrea.  He says Eritrea needs “more flexible leadership that will be more tolerant of opinions from different political organisations, which will be more responsive to the demands of the people.”  He describes the PFDJ as “a fighting, secretive, and rigid organization.”

June 22, 2001Al-Hayat interviews President Isaias Afwerki.  The President says he cannot comment on whether there is any validity to the claims of the Reformers as outlined in their Open Letter and that the judgment is up to the Eritrean people and that it is best that he exercise patience until then.   He added that there was nothing new to the issues raised by the Reformers and that he considers their open letter an empty barrel that makes a loud noise and that he has warned them of the dangers to the national security.  With respect to distribution of authority, he said that the problem is not that he exercises too much authority but that, in the past, there wasn’t sufficient monitoring of others.  He also said that the firing of Ministers Haile Weldensaie and Petros Solomonhad nothing to do with the prevailing environment.  He also defended the Special Court and dismissed its critics as irrelevant.

June 20, 2001: BBC reports  that at a ceremony to mark the annual Eritrea Martyr’s Day, President Isaias Afwerki announces the number killed in the Eritrea-Ethiopia war that concluded a year earlier to be 19,000.  No number of wounded or POW was given.

June 20, 2001:  Asmarino.com (www.asmarino.com) posts a May 10, 2001 interview President Isaias Afwerki conducted with Eritrea’s free press.  Dubbed as  “48 Questions in 6 Hours”, the interviewers report that the President said: “There is no such thing as freezing.  I have never heard of anything called freezing.”  I know nothing of the claim that “there is a great deal of difference amongst the leadership of the PFDJ.”  “I am amazed by what Mahmoud Sherifo said in the interview with Tsigenay.”    And that, “if there are people in authority or leaders of the Front who abdicated their responsibilities, they must have forgotten their duties.   If there are those who did not do their job well, or those who did wrong, or made mistakes, they should be asked to account for it.

June 20, 2001: Asmarino.com  posts a lengthy interview Mr. Haile Woldensaie (DeruE) conducted with Eritrea’s free press .   In this highly controversial interview, DeruE said the following –

On petitioning, DeruE says:
“There is no law against petitioning, collectively, for a meeting.   If, by refusing to hold a session, the intent is to avoid discomfort at being criticized, then there should still be a meeting as a means to educate those who are incapable of accepting or giving criticism.  If the intent is to silence the dissenters, obviously one in power can do anything including muting dissent.  But he still can’t kill the ideas.  So, in the end, it is a futile exercise.”

On The Discussion Paper distributed by the Central Office in January 2001:
The Discussion Paper that the Central Office initiate in January is illegal because it was not approved by the Central Committee and the Executive Council.   I, as a minister, was excluded from the circulation.  To enable readers to reach a conclusion, I handed a copy to the private newspaper, Admas.

On the allegations of colluding with the enemy:
“In addition to being a means of escaping the truth and covering up weaknesses, to present corrective measures and assessments that were presented at the end of the war, as if they are harmonious with the enemy’s agenda and the critics as supporters of the enemy is not proper and a chilling hijacking and killing of freedom of expression.”  

On the allegation that the Reformers called on the President to resign:
“After our experience in Badme, and after the initiation of confidence-building campaigns, to see the sudden developments of the Third Offensive, was only un-anticipated by the people, even senior cadres and authorities who did not have sufficient information were saddened and distressed.   Given the developments, if, at the time, someone were to say: “just like Gemal Abdel Nasser offered his people to resign at the conclusion of the 1967 war when Egypt was having military problems, the President and the Government ought to submit its resignation to the people.”  Is there anything wrong in saying this?  Does this necessarily mean it is execution of the Woyane goals?  Given the information at one’s disposal, isn’t one allowed to make recommendations on what the best military option is? To recommend withdrawal on one’s assessment that its capability is lesser or the enemy’s is greater; to recommend attack based on one’s assessment that one’s capability is greater and the enemy’s is less and then to learn that one’s assessment and thus one’s analysis may be wrong…does that mean one should be accused with defeatism or, conversely, puffery?

On those accusing the Reformers of Defeatism:
Although one can’t say that those who now are at the Central Office have never fired a gun, for them to accuse those who have successfully led many battles during the liberation war of “defeatism” is wrong and indication that they have ulterior motives which, at the very least, is to cover up blunders; or at its worst, to defame people before the PFDJ Congress.

On How To Solve the Crisis:
The president should not try to settle this dispute forcefully and should not try to solve this extra-legally or try to smash it using some pretext.   It can only be solved via discussion and debate.   If he wants to solve it legally, I’d like to clarify that he cannot be the prosecutor and the judge.

On the Role of the Eritrean People: The people cannot be simple observers.  Just like they tried to mediate during the ELF-EPLF disputes, they have the same responsibilities now, as well.

June 2001: Nearly 2200 individuals sign a petition for dialogue between the Reformers and the government.  Written “in the name of our heroic martyrs”, the petition asks (1) President Isaias Afwerki, to exert maximum effort, leadership, care in resolving the dispute peacefully, constitutionally and legally; (2) the Signatories of the “Open Letter”, to continue seeking a peaceful, constitutional and legal resolution of the dispute; (3)  Eritrea’s Religious Leaders and Elders, to do their level best to bring about understanding between the President and the Signatories of the Open Letter; (4)  the heroic Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF), to maintain neutrality and allow the political process to find legal, constitutional and peaceful solution; and all Eritreans, to reject and condemn any form of violence in resolving all political differences, and to show tolerance to the divergent points of view within the leadership as well as among the general public.

June 25, 2001:  The Government of Eritrea reverses its decision to expel four Americans who work for various NGOs including USAid under pressure from the United States.  The Americans were allegedly participating in behavior incompatible with their responsibilities.

June 27, 2000: Admas, a private Eritrean newspaper interviews Saleh Kekia .  In a wide-ranging interview, Mr. Saleh Kekia talks about constitutionalism, elections, Special Court, future of PFDJ and conflict resolution.  On the matter of whether raising their issues now is ill-timed, he responds: “We believed in and fought for the principles of PFDJ.  PFDJ is neither too distant to us, nor too close to others.  It is our front. What we are saying is we have problems in the implementation, so let’s correct them.   We are saying let’s execute the goals we believe in.  To say this is not the right time is to deny reality.”  On whether there is a danger that the crisis could lead to confrontation, Kekia responds: I don’t believe that the situation will escalate to confrontation.  Because solving problems through debate and discussion is a sign of civilized tradition, I hope we will resolve it that way.”  Asked why after so many years of comraderie the situation has deteriorated, he quotes Lee Kuan Yew, “the leader who transformed Singapore from the Third World to the First World”, as having once described the secret to Singapore’s success as “confidence.”  Saleh Kekia goes on to say that this absolute trust in the leadership and each other was accounted for EPLF’s success and states that this ingredient is now missing.

June 27, 2000 :  Kestedebena, a private Eritrean newspaper, gives an opportunity to General Uqbe Abraha to disclose his communication with President Isaias Afwerki. The General had sent a letter to the President on 11/27/99.  In his letter, the General shares with the President what the image of the President is amongst his former colleagues:  (1) Comrade Isaias has changed: he no longer consults with his colleagues; he thinks that only he works for the nation; he believes in making unilateral decisions; the Cabinet is there in name only; (2) there is no institutionalism: they are there in name only; there is much interference in their work; an air of apathy and lack of accountability rules; (3) Ambiguous Policies:  not based on constitution;  distances friends and allies; discourages those with capital; duplication of efforts and lack of clarity; (4) No constitutionalism: national security and people’s integrity not seen within perspective of constitution;  work not governed by law.   In an undated letter, the president responds by asking:  who is saying that I have changed?  Since when?  “Not consulting” with whom? About what? When?  How does one express by evidence the emotional claim that the president thinks there is no other than him?  Who are those saying this?

June 2001: Voice of America (VOA) interviews Petros Solomon.  Mr. Petros Solomon explains that one of the reasons the Reformers were forced to write an Open Letter was because the PFDJ Central Office had conducted exclusive seminars with senior cadres using the “Discussion Paper” developed in January 2001.  He went on to explain that although the nation could benefit from experienced leadership, a group whose background is working in secretive organization may not culturally adopt to an environment that requires openness and transparency.   He stated that holding power for long has negative consequences and new leadership that reflects the wishes of the people should emerge.  He said he wished to reassure the people that he has no doubt that the government, after conducting discussions, would solve the problem and prepare them for a constitutional government.

July 1, 2001: Qestedebena interviews General Uqbe Abraha . The General was responding to a recent finding of the “Special Court” that implicated him in the alleged crimes of Papayo, a Central Committee member who was sentenced for embezzlement.  The General stated that if the issue is about embezzlement, he (General Uqbe) is innocent.  But if the question deals with trusting people, then “all of us, beginning with the president, should be held accountable.”

July 3, 2001:  Al Hayat, an Arab daily, reports that government officials interrogated elder Eritreans who attempted to mediate the crisis.

July 9, 2001:  Mr. Hamed Hmed is detained and interrogated for allegedly informing an Arab daily correspondent in Asmara (Al Hayat) about the petition for dialogue that was facilitated by an Eritrean website, Asmarino.com. He was released after enduring “a lot of humiliation and disrespect.”

July 15, 2001: Fifty Eritrean senior citizens who had attempted to mediate the dispute between government officials were summoned by the Police Commissioner and asked to account for their motivations.   The government wanted to know if they were attempting the mediation through their own initiative or because they were asked to by the Reformers.  The government informed the elder citizens that, per the Penal Code, more than seven Eritreans couldn’t congregate without the prior consent of the government.July 17, 2001:  The Eritrean Ambassador to Scandinavian countries, Ms. Hebret Berhe, resigns her position and moves to the United States of America.  She discloses her reasons for doing so in a letter she sent Awate.com www.awate.com.  She wrote: “The PFDJ led by President Isaias, is today characterized by its strong opposition to reform and democracy. When people are eagerly waiting for a democratic transition, PFDJ is postponing it indefinitely. When people are aspiring for the rule of law, it’s being stifled and Kangaroo courts (Special Court) are firmly in place doing a great disservice to justice. Malpractice of law is at its worst in the history of our nation. People are subjected to intimidation for their political beliefs. Institutions have been deliberately made not to function. A one-man rule has been firmly installed rendering the slightest democratic practice impossible. During my assignment as Ambassador of Eritrea to Sweden, Norway, and Finland since September 1999, my democratic convictions came in constant confrontation with the malpractices of the PFDJ led government.”

July 23, 2001:  In an address to scholars and professionals a seminar organized by the Eritrean Studies Association in Asmara, Justice Teame Beyene accuses the executive office of interfering in the affairs of the judiciary branch.

July 25, 2001: Mr. Mathewos Habteab, the Editor-in-chief of MeQaleh,  a private bi-weekly, which had interviewed many of the Reformers, was abducted by security officers from his home.

July 31, 2001:  Mr. Semere Kesete, the president of student union of University of Asmara, was arrested at 7:45 AM from his home. At a graduation ceremony address, Mr. Semere Kesete had delivered a speech that included criticism of the government and the university administrators.  Also, the student union and the administrators of the University of Asmara had been in negotiations about the terms of their summer campaign.  The sticking points were later reported to be whether the amount of living allowances (Nkfa 800) was net of cost of meals or not.

August 1, 2001:  Representatives of the Students Union of University of Asmara post an open letter at Eritrean websites.   With respect to their president, they demand that: “The concerned authorities give an official statement of his present condition and whereabouts to the students Union. Should he be accused of any crime, his constitutional right be respected and his case be presented to the court. Should not he be accused of any crime, he should be immediately released and the reason for his arrest should be officially stated.”

August 3, 2001: Hadas Ertra posts an announcement by the administration of the University of Asmara.  The bulletin summons students to report for duty on August 9, at 7:00 AM for a three-day orientation.  They are told that the obstacle–Semere Kesete—is now in the hands of the Courts.  They are told to go to the University for details of their assignment and that they are to pack their clothing, bedding and grooming stuff.  As they leave, they are promised 800 Nakfa, dry food, medicine and mosquito nets.

August 3, 2001: The Reformers issue an “Open Letter to the Eritrean People”, where, for the first time, propose a detailed reform aagenda. The paper addresses the following issues: (1) War, Peace & National Security which recommends the steps that need to be taken to safeguard Eritrea’s peace and security in relationship with 1.1 Ethiopia: confidence building measures including mutual reduction of armed forces; 1.2 Sudan: disengage from each other’s internal affairs; remove each nation’s army from the common border; allow the free flow of commerce between the people of the two nations; enhance co-operation and relationship at the government level; with the approval of all parties involved, work for the peaceful resolution of Sudan’s conflict   1.3 Yemen: continue with the current policies, looking forward not back; and 1.4 General: take tangible steps to bring peace to the Horn of Africa by not supporting one another’s opposition groups; (2) Economic & Social Issues: restructuring governmental institutions, strengthening civil society, GO’s and NGOs; encouraging free enterprise; reforming land proclamation; instituting social security/retirement benefits; respecting Eritreans right of free movement; expanding vocational/trade education; ending winter student campaigns; present to court Eritreans languishing in jail without charge and notify the family members of those against whom “steps had been taken”; build subsidized housing; divorce PFDJ from economic enterprise and surrender its finances (after an audit) to a trusteeship for the benefit of the orphaned and the disabled and the demobilized; abandoning the policy of “mother tongue” in education and implementing official languages for Eritrea: “it is our view that they should be Tigrigna and Arabic but that should the subject of debate amongst Eritreans.”

August 4, 2001: Brigadier General Estifanos Seyoum was fired from his position as department director of the Inland Revenue Department, the government’s tax collection office.   The General is alleged to have had arguments with the ruling party on why PFDJ is exempted from paying taxes and was reportedly in the process of suing the party.  The government spokesperson, Mr. Yemane Gebremeskel,informed AFP on August 7 that the move was a “routine reshuffling of department heads.”

August 6, 2001: CPJ writes a letter to the Eritrean government inquiring on the whereabouts of Mr. Mateos Habteab, the editor-in-chief of Meqaleh newspaper.

August 7, 2001:  Uniformed and plainclothes security officers surround the University of Asmara in an effort to discourage student congregations around the campus.  Soldiers stationed at entry points to Asmara ask for identification cards to ensure that students do not leave the city.

August 7 – 10 2001:  The Eritrean High Court orders the government to present Mr. Semere Kesete, who had been in detention since July 31, to the Court for arraignment.  At the arraignment of August 10, the judge ordered the Government to release Mr. Semere Kesete.  The Government requested for more time to prepare its case and keep the prisoner in remand.  Immediately thereafter, the police began rounding up students and taking them for detention at Asmara’s football stadium.   Police with batons dispersed parents of the students who congregated outside the stadium.  Some of the mothers were detained and released after their husbands posted bail and promised to “control their wives.”

August 8, 2001: The Eritrean Embassy in the United States responds to CPJ claim of 8/6/01.    “First, Mr. Mateos Habteab was not kidnapped nor is he missing. He is doing his national service.  Second, there are no journalists missing.”

August 10, 2001:  Justice Teame Beyene was fired.  His immediate supervisor, Justice Minister Fozia Hashim, delivered the communication verbally.  Subsequently, the government, through PFDJ’s Political Director, Mr. Yemane Gebreab, explained at the Eritrean Festival in Washington, D.C. that the reason for the termination was due to Mr. Teame Beyene’s involvement with politics, which endangers the impartiality of the Court.  Echoing these sentiments, the Justice Minister, in an interview posted by the ruling party’s website stated that at the conference of the Eritrean Studies Association “he presented accusations, in lieu of academic papers.   All those who were present at the seminar noticed that by stating ‘The Courts are unable to maintain their independence because the President [Isaias Afwerki] keeps violating their independence and had conducted campaigns against the courts’, Mr. Teame [Beyene] tried to use the stage as a political launching pad.   To engage in this kind of activity is inconsistent with his responsibilities.   Secondly, to spread such kind of false information is done with deliberate intent to diminish the people’s trust in the independence of the Courts and is an act of political bias which precludes his continued service as the President of the Court.”

August 10, 2001:  Hadas Ertra (No 11), the government newspaper publishes an interview it conducted with Alamin Mohammed Seid, PFDJ’s Secretary, on August 8.  In the first extensive explanation of the government’s standpoint, Mr. Alamin M. Seid states that the campaign of the Reformers is destructive for many reasons, the three major ones being: “First, what has enabled this country to foil the Offensives of Woyane is our people’s volunteerism, our people’s self-confidence and its unified challenge is a huge contribution. By blending self-doubt and discontent, this new environment distances trust, volunteerism and defiance.   Second, it encourages and abates the Woyane and all those who harbor bad will towards us to continue with their efforts.   That, the Woyane, after failing to achieve our surrender that they sought at the military front are now agitating to bring that about via social and economic crisis is a reflection of this.   Third, the worries being creates are negatively impacting our international relations and partnership.

“Although just before the Third Offensive, some of them may have been saying things, what brought things to the surface was after the Third Offensive.   This was not a happenstance.  During these trying times, while the Eritrean people and its army were heroically defending the nation using all their resources and sacrificing themselves in the thousands, they took a wrong and defeatist stand.  Beginning from the day we withdrew from Barentu, they started saying, ‘We cannot stop the challenge and the onslaught of the Woyane Offensive.   The Woyane won’t leave us alone unless the President resigns; so he should resign.  If the Woyane occupy to the entire country, they will destroy our people so we should call on the UN and the US to take over and save us.’   For senior leaders of the Front to take this kind of stand requires accountability.”

The Secretary went on to state that the Party had shared this assessment in its sessions of August and September and, after requiring self-criticism from the group, had every intention of moving forward.  However, the Reformers, knowing that this issue will surface, decided to engage in a campaign of pre-emptive strike.  He goes on to state that the Reformers were behind the movement of the G-13.  

August 11, 2001: In a paper entitled “In Lieu of Defamation, Better to Argue with Facts” the Reformers respond to the government’s allegation as articulated by Mr. Alamin Mohammed Seid. The reformers argue that they were forced to go public after the saw the government’s defamation campaign initiated in January 2001 and after their repeated efforts to call for a meeting between February and May 2001 were rebuffed.  They say that “Of the 15 individuals, there is no one who tried to absolve the enemy and place all the blame on the nation.  On the issue of the Peace Process and the War with Woyane, two meetings were held at the Central Committee and National Assembly level on July and September 2000.  If there is an allegation that an attempt was made to absolveWoyane and place all the blame on the nation, bring the evidence and let the notes [minutes] of the meetings be disclosed to the public.  If the answer is, this has never been done and it shouldn’t be disclosed to the public, we call for the formation of a National Committee of Elders who can be trusted with the information and the evidence.”  With respect to Mr. Alamin Mohammed Seid’s claim that some Reformers called for the President’s resignation, they respond, “Not a single individual from the 15 accused said anything like the above.  If there is anyone who has evidence that states otherwise, we call on them to present their evidence.  As for the attitude expressed after the withdrawal from Barentu, the Reformers say, “ Because most of the people were led to believe that after the first shot of the Third Offensive we were going to show miracles, the concern they had developed during the first days of the war turned into extreme anger and questioning the leadership of the war once we withdrew from Barentu.  And because the war was being led by the president himself, it was natural that a great deal of the talk dealt about him.”  They go on to ask: Concurrent with the withdrawal from Barentu, wasn’t there another extremely dangerous decision made and that a great deal of loss was averted due to lack of its execution?

They conclude by warning: “If anyone, including the president, is culpable, his crime and his accuser should be presented openly; he should have access to a lawyer, his rights should be respected and the case made in an independent court.   Any step taken outside this context is illegal and will have repercussions.”

August 11 – August 12, 2001:  Nearly 2000 Asmara University students are bussed to WiA, a desert camp 30 k.m. south of Massawa.  The students had refused to report to the University, as instructed by the University administrators, pending the outcome of the student union president, Semere Kesete, who had been detained since July 31.

August 14, 2001:  Yirga Yosef, a University of Asmara student, died while in government detention. His death was attributed to heatstroke he suffered while in WiA, a desert detention camp, 30 km from Massawa.

August 15 – August 18, 2001:  Trgta, a pro-government newspaper of National Union of Eritrean Youth & Students (NUEYS) writes an article entitled: “The Truth is surfacing its head:  Accountability May shift from 15 to 3!” and “No Wise Men Within G-3?”  The Reformers allege that the writers at the newspaper are actually members of the Central Office writing articles using pen names.

August 15, 2001: Traffic police stopped Mahmud Sherifo’s car and ordered his driver out of his seat and drove the car away. At 11 AM, guards from the President’s office informed him that they have orders to get him out of the office. Asked about the incident by a reporter, Sherifo said “the car and the office is [are] government property; but they could have done it in a proper legal manner instead.”

August 19, 2001Yemane Tekie, a university of Asmara student, died while undergoing treatment for heatstroke at Halibet Hospital.  He was part of the 2000 University students who were forcibly bussed to Wia by the government for refusing to report for summer duty.  Through its ministry of foreign affairs, its official spokesperson and the website of the ruling party, www.shaebia.org, the government expressed “deep regret” for the deaths and blamed the student union and the Reformers for agitating the students into refusing to perform their duty.   It says that the government had to send the students to WiA after having exhausted all means to negotiate with the students to convince them to perform their agreed-upon assignment of conducting AIDS awareness campaigns and statistical compilation of the war-displaced population.

August 20, 2001 Tsigenai: Editorial: “The Private Press Respect the Law: The Government Has Responsibility for their existence.” The private press is governed by the press law and is, thus, operating legally.   The government has responsibility for their existence.  In addition, they have expectations of the government.   To ensure that fulfill their national responsibility, not only should the government co-operate with them, it should defend them as well.   In the event, to look at them with an eye of suspicion because they are critical of the government is not only counterproductive but it is the equivalent of the government working against the Press Laws it passed.

August 23, 2001:self-identified only as “University Of Asmara Students, Alumni, And Concerned Eritreans”, Eritreans sponsor a petition calling for the “immediate release of detained university students.”  The appeal is directed to the Eritrean government and “particularly to the Eritrean National Assembly” to release students held at WiA and the student union president, Semere Kesete.   Over 2700 Eritreans sign the petition.

August 24, 2001: MeQaleh:  Major General Berhane Gerezgheir writes an article entitled: National Guard, National Defense, National Human Resource & Its Efficient Use

August 31, 2001: Ambassador Hebret  Berhe calls for “Democratic Alternative to Current PFDJ Leadership.”

August 2001: ELF-RC Held its 5th National Congress in Gonder, Ethiopia.  The congress, which was attended by a number of other opposition groups who are members of the Alliance Of Eritrean Opposition Forces, became a major propaganda weapon by the PFDJ, which accuses all Eritrean opposition groups and elements alike of treason.

September 1, 2001:  Journalist Mathewos Habteab, editor-in-chief of Meqaleh who had been in detention since July 25, is released.  It is reported that his release and the directives he received to report to the Ministry of Information are in anticipation of a visit by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), scheduled for early October.

September 1 – 3, 2001:  The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement (EIDM), an opposition entity founded in October 2000, held its second convention in Washington DC.

September 7, 2001: In a move to reconcile university students with University administrators, Asmara University’s president, Dr. Weldeab Isaac paid a visit to university students at WiA.  Nearly 2000 students refused to see him.  As a result, the student’s release, which had been scheduled for the following Monday, was postponed.

September 18 – 19, 2001:  In dawn raids, the Government of Eritrea arrested eleven of fifteen Reformers at their homes.  The eleven National Assembly members arrested are (1) Mahmud Ahmed Sheriffo (2)  Haile Woldensae (3) General Ogbe Abrha (4) Hamid Hmd (5) Saleh Kekya (6) Brigadier General Estifanos Seyoum; (7) Berhane GhebreEghzabiher; (8) Astier Feshatsion; (10) Petros Solomon; (9) Petros Solomon; (10) Germano Nati; (11) Beraki Ghebreslassie.   Of the remaining four, three, namely Mesfun Hagos; Adhanom Ghebremariam and Haile Menkerios were in the United States.  One of the 15, Mohammed Berhan Blata, had disassociated himself from the group weeks prior to the clampdown.  The government alleged that the group had committed crimes against the sovereignty and national security of the state.

September 19, 2001Shaebia.org www.shaebia.org, (website of the ruling party) In an article entitled: “Secret New York Meeting Discusses G-15 Plans,” the website reports that members of the Reform movement (“G-15”) held a meeting on August 18, 2001, in New York.  The meeting is reported to have included some members of the “G-13”, Eritrean scholars and professionals who had a meeting in Germany in September 2000 and wrote a private letter to President Eritrea, recommending reform.  The website reports that “members of G-15 told participants that organization of secret cells (wahios), inside and outside the country, including in units of the Eritrean Defence Forces, was the most crucial task at hand. Second priority was given to the cooperation that has been established with “all Eritrean Opposition Groups”, organized under the umbrella of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces (AENF). The Mekelle, Ethiopia, based AENF is a coalition of 11 groups, including the remnants of the ELF-RC, Saghem and the Eritrean Islamic Jihad.”  Further, the article stated that the group reported, “secret contacts had been established with regional countries” and that efforts were underway to internationally isolate Eritrea.

September 19, 2001: Two reporters verify that they had fled to Sudan.  The two reporters are Milikias Mehretab and Semere Teazaz,who are, respectively, the editor-in-chief of, and reporter for, Keste Debena, a private Eritrean weekly, they had anticipated the crackdown and had been looking for an escape route for weeks.

September 19, 2001:  The Eritrean Government shuts down the eight private newspapers and begins the arrest of nine journalists.  The reason for closing the newspapers was, according to government officials, incompliance with the governing Press Proclamation.  The newspapers are alleged to have failed to file annual financial statements.  Subsequent allegations include working against the unity of the country.  The government did not acknowledge that there were any reporters arrested.  The missing reporters are Medhane Haile (Keste Debena), Amanuel Asrat (Zemen), Fitzum Wedi Ade (Zemen) Aaron Berhane (Setit), Selayinghes Beyene (Meqaleh), Mattewos Habteab (Meqaleh) and Dawit Habtemichael (Meqaleh), Yusuf Mohamed (Tsigenay) and Seyoum Fsehaye (Photographer.)

September 19, 2001: Two agencies,  RSF – Reporters Without Borders and CPJ – Committee to Protect Journalists, protest the closure of the 8 private newspapers.  RSF asks the President to lift the suspension and to publication of newspapers.  CPJ’s Ann Cooper states that it “believes that the newspapers were suspended in an effort to stifle public criticism of the Eritrean government.  The licensing issue is clearly a pretext to justify this action and only confirms our view that licensing print media obstructs the exercise of press freedom.”

September 20, 2001:   Amnesty International expresses concern on the arrest of the 11 Reformers and expresses fear that around 60 of their supporters may have been arrested as well.  The human rights group urged: “All those who have been arrested should be brought to court promptly, charged with a recognizably criminal offence or released. Any trial should be held in accordance with international human rights standards and without recourse to the death penalty.” In a statement it issued it said, “The organization would be concerned if the detainees were charged and brought to trial before the Special Court, which fails to meet international standards for fair trial. The Court conducts trials behind closed doors and allows no right to defence counsel or of appeal to a higher or independent court.”

September 21, 2001HRW – Human Rights Watch called on President Isaias Afwerki to “ immediately free recently detained political dissidents, allow the return of university students to their classes, and lift the ban it decreed as of Wednesday on privately owned newspapers.  HRW’s quoted Mr. Suliman Baldo, a Senior Researcher of its Africa Division as saying “The government is trying to stamp out all criticism of its disastrous war policies. The situation is growing sharply worse.”

September 21, 2001:  The EU diplomatic mission in Eritrea communicate their protest against the Eritrean government’s crackdown on the Reformers and call on their government to take commensurate steps against the Eritrean government.

September 21, 2001:  BBC World monitoring service reports that the University students who had been at WiA camp have returned to Eritrea.  The ruling party’s website, Shaebia.org  reported that the new school year would start on October 8, 2001.  On the failure of the original summer program, the party accused the reformers, whom it described as a “group of politicians who were working to foment instability in the country” of “working behind the scenes” urging “the students to refuse to participate in the summer work program” and “to push them into violent confrontation with police.”

September 24, 2001:  The Government of Eritrea revokes the diplomatic passports of the three PFDJ Reformers who were not arrested on September 18 and September 19.  The three reformers—Mesfun Hagos, Haile Menkorios and Adhanom Gebremariam. At least one, Mr. Mesfun Hagos, had flown out of Washington, DC, with his diplomatic passport on September 18 and the revocation took effect while he was in Europe.   The government explained that this action is a routine exercise that is applied on any national who is no longer serving in a diplomatic capacity and that the Reformers can apply and receive an ordinary passport.  Others dispute this assertion on the basis that the three “diplomats”, such as Haile Menkorius, had not been serving in an Eritrean diplomatic capacity for months and that receiving an Eritrean passport is not as simple as filling out the necessary application at an Embassy.

September 26, 2001:  Along with Hebret Berhe, Eritrea’s former Ambassador to Scandinavian countries, two of the 15 Reformers,Haile Menkorios and Adhanom Gebremariam, convene a meeting at the Double Tree Hotel in Arlington, VA.   The meeting was organized by “Concerned Eritreans” and managed to attract 500-600 people, according to some reports.  The session was aborted within half an hour after its commencement by the Arlington police who could not control disruptive elements.

September 28, 2001:  Mr. Antonio Bandini,  Italy’s Ambassador to Eritrea, as well as EU’s Ambassador to Eritrea, was given a 72-hour deadline to leave the country.   Mr. Bandini had presented the Eritrean government with EU’s “demarche”—a document expressing grave expression at Eritrea’s political direction.   The Eritrean government stated that the reason for the expulsion is Mr. Bandini’s engagement in activities that “were not compatible” with his diplomatic duties.  Analysts quoted in the media said,  “The letter the EU criticized Eritrea for human rights violations, following the arrest of 11 dissidents, the closure of the private press and the detention of at least eight journalist…The Italian ambassador, like several other western ambassadors, had contact with the dissidents whilst they were still in office…Since their dismissal, all the ambassadors held one joint meeting to hear the dissidents position. It is possible that these contacts were considered provocative and displeased the government. “

September 30, 2001:  Ambassador Tesfay Ghirmazion, Eritrea’s representative to the EU, submits his resignation.  Asmarino.com quotes the reason he gave for his decision as follows: “I have chosen to disassociate myself from a system that has increasingly become intolerant to divergent views and resorts to illegal ways of silencing its people.”  After his resignation, the Eritrean government accused him of attending the August 18 meeting in New York and of leaving  “his job without prior notification to the government or giving any reason as regards his action.” The same report states that “he wrote a short note on 29 September 2001, informing the government of Eritrea about his resignation.”

September 30, 2001:  Between 1200 to 2000 Eritreans are reported to have attended a meeting chaired by Ambassador Girma Asmerom to discuss the draft laws on elections.  A resolution was passed—“unanimously and with a standing ovation”–to (1) in light of the Woyane threat, to show solidarity with the Eritrean Government and the Eritrean Defense Forces; (2) to work hard and hand-in-hand with the government in the efforts of demobilization, repatriation of refugees and reconstruction; (3) after observing, in depth, the campaign conducted by a few leaders and their supporters while we were engaged in safeguarding our sovereignty and reconstruction efforts, we conclude that the movement–which is not timely, diverts us from our national focus to other undesirable venues, endangers our unity and mutual trust, creates fissures that could be exploited and dilutes our energies from focusing on important matters—is destructive.  This [issue] has been extended more than it should have.   While we express our support for the legal remedies [used by the government] to address this matter that endangers our national unity, security and sovereignty, we recommit ourselves to foiling efforts that undermine our national unity, national security and sovereignty.”    As a sign of commitment, the assembled group pledged 100,000 to the Eritrean government.  Some residents of Washington, D.C. who did not attend the meeting reported to Awate.com that in an effort to ensure that the meeting would have one of the highest turnouts, the Eritrean Ambassador’s office had spared no effort calling Eritreans consecutively for nearly two weeks.

October 2, 2001:  Mr. Tseggai Mogos, Eritrea’s ambassador to Italy, is given a 72-hour deadline to leave the country.  The move was explained as retaliation for Eritrea’s expulsion of Italy’s ambassador to Eritrea, Mr. Antonio Bandini.

October 2, 2001:  In a taped address broadcast by Asmarino.com’s “Delina” audio service, Mr. Mesfun Hagos, vows that although he is innocent and fears that his civil liberties will be violated by the government as soon as he returns, he will, nonetheless, return to Eritrea “as a nationalist and citizen.”   He further stated that although he and his 14 colleagues are guilty of nothing more than challenging the “dictatorial, unpredictable and arrogant behavior” of President Isaias Afwerki; that he and his colleagues are “ready to face any charges against us in an open court with all our rights protected.”  He advised his listeners to be on alert for any pretext by President Isaias Afwerki to plunge Eritrea into war and to be aware that they may be told that some of the jailed reformers had committed suicide, died accidentally or were shot while trying to escape.

October 2, 2001: Eritrea’s government radio, dimtSi Hafash, announced that ““Eritrea has said that it will not attend the meeting of the UN Military Coordination Committee overseeing the cessation of hostilities on the border with Ethiopia scheduled for 3 October. The head of the Eritrean side, Brig-Gen Abrahaley Kifle, said Eritrea does not accept the UN proposal that the meeting should be held in the Temporary Security Zone, rather than on the common border as proposed by Eritrea.”

October 2001 :  In an article published by Asmarino.com,  former Constitutional Commission Members, Gebre Hiwet Tesfagiorgis, Semret Asfaha and Tekie Fessehatzion express their “deepest concern on the recent developments on the Eritrean political scene, in particular the closure of the private press (plus detention of nine independent journalists) as well as the arrest of 11 senior members of the government. “Our concern emanates from their implications on cardinal principles on rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution of Eritrea (article 19), without the observance of which it is impossible to build a tolerant and politically pluralist society.” They also stated that their intent “is not to take side in the ongoing political division within the PFDJ (Peoples Front for Democracy and Justice) leadership. Nor is it to join the chorus of condemnatory or self-serving declaratory statements that seem to characterize the Internet postings nowadays. It is rather to express our concerns about the increasingly deteriorating political situation in Eritrea, which if not handled with care can throw the country and its people into a serious political crisis.”  Regarding the detention of the 11 PFDJ reformers, they stated “We have no way of ascertaining the veracity of the charge or knowing what constitutes a threat to national sovereignty, as no detailed information has been made public. Still we worry because, the detention, coming as it does following several political pronouncements by the dissident group, we are not certain whether the detention is, as the dissidents allege, due to their public statements critical of the Head of State governing style, or as the government contends, due to real and credible evidence that the dissidents, through their conduct, have threatened the nation’s security and sovereignty.”

October 1 – October 15, 2001:

** Mr. Mesfun Hagos,  a leading figure from the PFDJ reformers (G-15) vows to return to Eritrea. He made the vow in Germany where he was stranded after leaving the USA after a medical stay on his way to Eritrea, carrying a diplomatic passport. On his depart from the USA, he was seen off by the Eritrean Ambassador to the USA, Mr. Girma Asmerom. Mesfun discovered that his passport was nullified when he was in transit in Germany. Critics of the Eritrean Government believe that nullifying Mesfin’s passport was a step to prevent Mesfin from returning to Eritrea where he enjoys a popular support after 11 of his colleagues who signed an Open Letter to the President of Eritrea were earlier jailed.

** The Belgian Chapter European Network for the Defense of Democracy and Peace in Eritrea, sent a letter to The European Union and the People of Eritrea. The letter was addressed to Mrs. Nicole Fontaine, President of the European Parliament; Mr.Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission; Mr. Javier Solana, Secretary General of the Council of EU and Mr. Paul Nielson, Member of the Commission Development and Humanitarian Aid. Written to protest  the expulsion of Italy’s and EU’s Ambassador to Eritrea, Mr Bandini, the authors describe him as  a person whose “humanity, his commitment, his efficiency and his burning desire to help out the fledgling nation was common knowledge” was admired by the Belgian Chapter. The letter also stated that “The people of Eritrea have nothing against Ambassador Bandini. On the contrary, they are struck with stupor to witness his unjustified, utterly unjustifiable departure from the country. The measure taken by the power circle against him is nothing else but a wanton act against the fundamental interests of the people of Eritrea.”

** As reported by Shaebia.org, a pro-government meeting of Eritreans in Germany passed a resolution calling for the postponement of elections in Eritrea scheduled for December 2001.

** Asmara University Students announce the formation of an underground opposition group known as Bana Harenet.

** An organization of Eritreans in Australia, known as Eritrean Action Group, sent a letter of appeal to United Nation Human Rights Commissioner, Australian Dept of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Amnesty International and Australian Red Cross.  The letter of appeal pointed to the “alarming and blatant violations of human rights in our homeland” and accused the Eritrean government of unleashing “state sponsored terror against veteran leaders (G15 or reformers which include ministers, high ranking military officials), journalists and students and “suspended” the free press in Eritrea.”   The letter called for the release “unconditionally all political prisoners; Abolish the Special Court (conducts trials behind closed doors and allows no right to defence counsel or appeal to higher court); Implement the 1997 ratified National Constitution without delay; Defer national elections scheduled for December 2001 and establish an independent Election Commission. Invite UN and other independent international observers during elections;Abolish PFDJ’s monopoly on the economy; Respect of the democratic and human rights of all citizens.

** An Eritrean website, Eritrea1.org, reports of a military clash between government forces and the opposition around the western town of Guluj

October 16 – October 31, 2001:

** Two Eritreans, Ali Alamin and Kiflom Gebre Michael who worked for the political and economic affairs office at the American Embassy in Asmara, Eritrea were detained by security personnel.  The arrest came on the same day that the USA released a statement criticizing the Eritrean Government for detaining of the “reformers” and its clampdown on free-press.

October 22, 2001:  The Guardian  reports “European Union ambassadors pulled out of Eritrea last week in protest at a crackdown on political dissent and a free press in a country that was seen as one of the great new hopes in Africa.”  Noting that Italy had expelled the Eritrean Ambassador in retaliation for Eritrea’s expulsion of Italy’s ambassador, the paper quoted diplomats as saying “that the crackdown began a few days after the September 11 terrorist attacks on the US” and that they “believe that the Eritrean government thought the world’s attention would be distracted from events in the Horn of Africa.”  Still, “… the US issued a statement condemning the crackdown” and a “ couple of days later the police arrested two Eritreans working at the US embassy in Asmara, in what appeared to be retaliation for the US criticism.”

** The Eritrean Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a Press Release protesting to “a number of western countries, including the United States, [that] have issued negative statements on Eritrea in what appears to be a concerted effort.”  The release stated, “The Government had publicly announced that the reasons that underlie the temporary closure of the print media were their gross violation of the country’s press law. It has likewise announced the detention of certain individuals engaged in unlawful acts against the sovereignty and national security of the country. It has stated categorically that their detention has nothing to do with any political views they may hold and express.”

** In an interview with a Swedish radio station, Mr. Yemane Gebreab, political advisor to president Isaias Afwerki and political director of the ruling party said that elections in Eritrea scheduled for December 2001 had been postponed. Mr. Yemane Gebreab said, “we struggled 30 years for democracy. We have full support from the population and we will surprise the world.” [15] In response, the Eritrean website, Asmarino.com, interviewed a spokesperson for Eritrean Embassy in the US, who said, “the elections have not been postponed and will take place as scheduled in December 2001.”

** UNMEE repots that hundreds of unclaimed bodies from the Eritrean-Ethiopian border war still rot in the divide area between the armies of the two countries and asked both parties to bury their dead.

** An Eritrean advocacy group called the “Eritrean Action Committee for Peace and Democracy in the Netherlands (EACPDN)” is founded.  [18].  In their press release, the founders describe themselves as “former active and longtime members of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), and Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and other independent minded individuals.”  The release describes the motivation for the formation as being  “in response to the acute crisis which is confronting Eritrea today.”

** A London meeting organized by Eritreans was violently disrupted when some attendants began to heckle and throw punches and chairs at the guest speaker, Mr. Mesfin Hagos, a member of the PFDJ Reformers (G-15) who had escaped arrest because he was outside the country on Septmber 18, the day his colleagues were detained. Suspicions that the disruption was co-coordinated by pro-government activists were buttressed when the government radio, dimtSi Hafash, praised the disruptive elements.

** Adhanom Gebremarian, Eritrea’s former ambassador to Nigeria and one of the three members of the Reformers who escaped arrest, held a meeting with Eritreans in New Jersey, USA.  Following two previous foiled meetings organized for the Reformers, this meeting was noteworthy for the absence of violence and disruption.

** Amnesty International issues a statement expressing concern for the health of members of the “PFDJ Reformisers who had been arrested namely, Petros Solomon, Ogbe Abraha, Haile Woldetensae, Mahmud Ahmed Sheriffo, Berhane Ghebre Eghzabiher, Saleh Kekiya, Aster Fishatsion, Hamid Himid, German Nati, Estifanos Seyoum and Beraki Ghebre Selassie (m). Amnesty International stated that it  “fears for their safety and is particularly concerned for the health of Ogbe Abraha who suffers from asthma and Haile Woldetensae who is diabetic.’ Amnesty International also wrote a letter of appealed on behalf of  “nine journalists…[who] have been…detained incommunicado at a police station in the capital, Asmara, for over a month.” The nine journalists are Yousef Mohamed Ali, Medhanie Haile, Dawit Habtemichael, Amanuel Asrat, Dawit Isaac, Temesken Ghebreyesus, Mattewos Habteab, Aron Berhane, and Seyoum Fsehaye.

** Eritreans opposed to the government of Eritrea held a meeting in Seattle.

** The People’s Democratic Front For The Liberation Of Eritrea (SAGEM) held its meeting in Ethiopia. In a press release, SAGEM said that it had, “successfully reached at resolving important resolutions and it charted a new working program.”

** The Secretariat of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces held its 10th regular meeting. The alliance’s statement reported that one “of the main issues the AENF deliberated upon was therefore the eminent danger posed by the political uncertainty in Asmara and the dire consequences this may entail not only to the unity and security of our people but also to the stability of our region as a whole.”
November 1 – November 15 2001

November 4, 2001: Kessela [Sudan] Region Governor, Adam Hamid Mussa and Gash-Barka [Eritrea] Region Governor, Mustafa al-Nour Hussein, signed an agreement for bilateral cooperation between their two regions. Kessela region in the Sudan borders the Gash-Barka region in Eritrea. The agreement signed provides for the creation of joint committees on economic, political-security and cultural-social cooperation. They also agreed to exchange intelligence information, as well as cooperate in fighting infiltrations and smuggling across their common border. The Sudanese and the Eritrean opposition forces are stationed in the Gash-Barka/Kessela regions.

November 5, 2001In a release issued to Awate.com,  Endrias Habtegerghis, Eritrea’s Charge d’affairs in The Netherlands, indicates of his resignation as a protest of the government’s arrest of the PFDJ Reformers and his belief that the ruling party is not committed to surrendering power to the people.  

November 7, 2001: A group of students who were held in Wi’a and other detention camps after they had protested against the policies of the government and the university of Asmara administration were released.  Students had protested against summer work program compensation and fairness as well as other policy issues of the university. The leaders of the student union remained in detention.

November 16 – November  30, 2001:

** A recently-formed  Eritrean advocacy group known as “Concerned Eritreans for Democracy and Reconciliation, Metro-Atlanta “ held its first seminar in Atlanta, GA.  Adhanom G/Mariam, a member of the PFDJ Reformers, was the group’s guest speaker who, according to published reports, presented a well-received speech of the political crisis in Eritrea.

** The French organization Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF) included Eritrea’s president Isaias Afwerki in its list of “predators of Free Press.” RSF reported:  “Since the 18 September 2001, Eritrea is the only African country where private press no longer exists.”

** Four ambassadors of EU member states (Germany, Holland, France and Denmark) return to Eritrea, a month after they were recalled to Europe for consultations.  The Ambassadors were recalled for consultations by their government in protest against the expulsion of Ambassador Antonio Bandini of Italy who also represented the European Union.  Mr. Bandini did not return to Eritrea: neither Italy nor the EU has representation in Eritrea.

** Two weeks after his meeting had been disrupted by pro-government Eritreans, Mesfun Hagos, a leading member of the PFDJ reform movement, met Eritreans in London . There was strong police presence in the meeting, which was convened at a church and it was concluded without any disruptions.

** Eritreans in The Hague (The Netherlands) organized a rally in “demonstration against the repressive Eritrean regime.”

** Eritreans residing in Sweden organize a meeting for Mr. Mesfin Hagos. Though the meeting was concluded peacefully, a clear sign of opposing the tones of Mr. Mesfin started to emerge from Eritreans who are supporters of the traditional opposition and the Independents.  The main complaints was that Mr. Mesfin Hagos and, by extension, the Reformers, were despite being victims of unsubstantiated allegations, only too eager to accuse others of unsubstantiated allegations and to engage in exclusionary tactics.

** A Dallas/Fort Worth based Eritrean advocacy group, the “Committee of the Dallas and Fort Worth Metropolis,” organizes a meeting and invites Adhanom G/Mariam as a guest speaker. The Committee which describes itself as “neither pro or against the so-called “G15″ reports that it had “extended similar invitation to the Eritrean Ambassador to the US, Mr. Girma Asmerom.”

** Two Eritrean journalists Milkias Mehreteab and Semere Tazaz held their first public event in Washington D.C. The reporterspresented a chilling report of the political crisis in Eritrea and presented detailed description of the scores of Eritreans languishing in jails without charge and appealed to Eritreans in Diaspora to desist from uncritical support of the government.  The two reporters had fled to the United States and escaped detention in Eritrea when all editors and reporters of the private press were jailed during the September  clampdown on the private press.

** Eritrea’s Director of America Division within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Derei Mohammed Debas,  resigned from his post.  In his resignation letter, Mr. Derei stated that the “ current sad situation in Eritrea has killed” his hope and the hope “among the whole population and in particular among the youth.” He described the activities of his agency as being “locked up in defending the indefensible acts by our government.” He described the work of an Eritrean diplomat as one whose “daily bilateral meetings have wholly been dominated by futile attempts from outside to explain to experienced diplomats the laughable justifications for the arrest of the former ministers and members of the National Assembly, the arrest of the elders, the university students, the US Embassy staff, the journalists, the firing of the Chief Justice, the closure of the free press, the continuation of the special court etc.”

** Mussie Ephrem, a young Eritrean residing in Sweden filed a Habeas Corpus, a first of its kind by an Eritrea citizen against the government of Eritrea.  The petition was filed by his lawyer to protest the arrest of the “PFDJ reformers.” The petition appeals to language in the unimplemented Eritrean Constitution as well as “the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights”, all of which Eritrea is a signatory to.

December 2001

** An Eritrean advocacy group known as “Eritrean Public Forum” is formed in the USA.  In its press release, the Forum describes its goals as working for the “Implementation of the 1997 National constitution of Eritrea, Creation of a sustainable political atmosphere where all elements of democracy can grow through appropriate lobbying activities, and, Promotion of dialogue and open discussion among all.”

** Eritrea and Ethiopia’s Foreign Ministers present their cases to the International Court at The Hague.  Both sides have presented their cases to the commission, which is expected to give its ruling in February.

** Eritrea’s “Cabinet of Ministers” holds a meeting.  According to the Shaebia.org, the government website, “The Cabinet heard and thoroughly discussed reports of achievements and challenges of ministries and administrative regions,” The purpose of the sessions was to “ discuss, refine and prioritize sectoral objectives for the coming three years. The three-year framework is chosen in order to provide a broader planning perspective as well as to highlight the coherence and continuity of sectoral programmes. The focus is otherwise on government budget for the next fiscal year which starts on 1 January 2002 and ends on 31st December 2002.”

** An Eritrean website, Eritrea1.org, publishes a directive which it believes is written by PFDJ’s political director, Mr. Yemane Gebreab.  The unsigned “directive,” which is dated October 2nd 2001 and is addressed to all offices of PFDJ in Europe and USA, says in part “…it is now known that a few who have escaped arrest have finished preparation to conduct continuous meetings in European and North American cities. Since this is a continuation of their destructive activities, you are directed to use whatever possible methods to disrupt these meetings.

** The government website, Shaebia.org, publishes a commentary accusing Eritrea1.org of what it called  “Cheap Fabrication from Eritrea1.org”  The commentary stated: “ A cursory glance at the forged Tigrigna letter reveals that it is shoddy at best, lacking in proper use of grammar (pathetically misspelling Tigrigna words!), style, slogan and seal….If past experience of the remnants of the so-called G-15 and G-13 is anything to go by, however, it is that these people are fast becoming experts at shooting themselves in the foot with their transparent lies and fabricated stories, and they don’t need the help of the PFDJ in exposing their nakedness. “

** The United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) issues a statement denying Ethiopian reports of Eritrean military escalation along the common border. This information followed accusation and counter accusation by both Eritrea and Ethiopia each claiming the other is preparing for or looking for pretext for war.

** Eritreans in Toronoto, Canada held a demonstration against the government of Eritrea to protest the visit of Eritrea’s Ambassador to North America, Mr. Girma Asmerom.  The group lodged a complaint to the Oakwood Collegiate of Toronto District School “for allowing such meeting to take place in an educational institution; while the dictatorial regime jails its students in the hottest desert concentration camps.”

** The Eritrean president, Isaias Afwerki, met with the president of Sudan’s National Democratic Alliance (NDA), Mowlana Mohammed Osman Al Mirghani, and the Chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM),  Doctor John Garang.  The two leaders were in Asmara for a meeting of the NDA’s policy-making body, the Leadership Council. In the meeting, President Isaias is reported to have “…stressed that the experience of the past decades has conclusively proved that there can be no military solution to Sudan’s problems”. He then urged the NDA to “vigorously pursue the only viable option for Sudan, a just and comprehensive peace settlement”. He further added, ” the government and the opposition owe it to the people of Sudan to bring the war to an end as soon as possible”. Members of the Eritrea’s opposition groups wondered why President Isaias doesn’t apply in his own country what he preaches to the Sudanese.

** Ann K. Cooper, Executive Director of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) writes a letter addressed to President Isaias Afwerki, stating that the CPJ “is deeply troubled by your government’s ongoing crackdown on the independent press in Eritrea.”  CPJ goes on to state, “According to our research, all the country’s independent newspapers have now been shut down. Eleven journalists are currently jailed without charges, while the whereabouts of three others are unknown.”

** The border commission charged by the United Nations to resolve the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia began hearing the cases of the two countries in The Hague.  The commission was established by the authority of the Ceasefire Agreement signed by Eritrea and Ethiopia in December 2000.  The terms of the agreement state that the findings of the commission are final and binding, a condition that both nations accepted upon signing the peace agreement.

**  UN Secretary General Koffi Anan submits a report on the progress of UNMEE’s efforts in maintaining the peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia.  While the report is generally complementary of both nation’s government’s commitment to complying with the terms of the agreement they signed, the Secretary General points out the difficulties the UN Mission is facing in the areas of transportation  (by air and on road), demining, determining size and scope of militia, access to airwaves, etc.  Judging by the tone and volume of the specifics, the Secretary General’s report seems to indicate that UNMEE has faced more difficulties from the government of Eritrea than the government of Ethiopia.

** Ambassador Hebret Berhe accused the government of Eritrea of “contempt for the Eritrean people” for failing to officially inform the citizenry of the postponement or cancellation of the elections scheduled for December 2001.    The Eritrean National Assembly, which authorized the timetable for the election in September 2000, did not convene for a single session in 2001. The Ambassador argued that the Assembly’s failure to protect its members (the PFDJ Reformers/G-15 who have been detained without charge since September) is an indication that its powers have been completely absorbed by the President.

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  • Tazabi

    Dawit Mekonen

    When are you going to accept responsibility for your own actions. First it was the Amhara who were enemies of Eritreans. Now it is the Tigrayans who are to blame for the current mess. After worshipping Isaias for 50 years, now suddenly you found out he is in bed with the Tigrayans to destroy Eritrea. When are you guys going to say we did it it is our fault. The pure holy perfect Eritreans are always victims of Ethiopians. What a shallow thinking. The way you are going – it will be a long night in Eritrea

    • Tazabi,

      The closet language to Ge’ez is Tgre, spoken by Eritreans living in Gash-Barka,Sahle and Semhar……

      The next closest language to Ge’ez is Eritrean Tigrigna spoken by people living in Seraye, Akuloguzay and Hamasein……….

      The first Christian Monastry, still standing, was built in Eritrea, not in Ethiopia…..

      The first Mosque, still standing, was built in Eritrea, not in Ethiopia……….

      Tazabi,

      This was the reason King Minilik colluded with the Italian Fascists in a conspiracy to wipe out our people as a means of owning our historical legacy……….

      This was the reason King Haile Selase vowed in vain to own our land by wiping our people………..

      This was the reason Mengistu Haile Mariam vowed in vain to own our land by wiping out our people……….

      This was the reason woyane in vain conspired with Isaias Afewerqi to own our land by wipping our people………..

      Need I say more?

  • koken

    Bro. Eyob
    Without reat you articles i have the same belive as yours , about this cynister president. He is unimposter eritrean who joined the sowra to distroy it. isias have a dream that was installed into him by his uncle Ras Solomon to unit Eritrea and tigray regardless of the peoples will and,to inherit the mantil of Yohannes the 4th.

  • Eyob Medhane

    Hayat,

    You have to put in Ethiopians shoes to understand this. Let me try to explain, however. Many Ethiopians belive that Isayas is supported by overwhelming majority of Eritreans. Unfortunately, those who say they are against Isays also show equal contempt to Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Therefore, Ethiopians belief that Eritreans contempt to Ethiopia and Ethiopians is deep rooted and beyond the manuplation of their leaders. During the first seven years of Eritrean independence, the behavior of many Eritreans (particularly Kebesa Eritreans, who were in Ethiopia) was simply unbearable. Especially, their favorate targets were those Ethiopians, who were very emotional about Ethiopia losing a sea port and feared Eritreans independence would lead to disintegration of the rest of the country. They were targets of a relentless mockery, insults with lots of humiliating verbal and psychological abuses. Further more, EPLF gave an impression to the rest of Ethiopians and especially to its supporters and generally Eritreans that it has an upper hand on TPLF/EPRDF, and even a kind of impression that they control EPRDF and through it Ethiopia (You can read that through many of Dawit Mekonnen’s rants, even until now)Hence, Eritreans,especially, the elites and those who lived in Ethiopia felt that they had a free reign over everything and anything in Ethiopia. Many couldn’t control themselves and openly started belittling Ethiopians, as just tools to be used by Eritreans. Eritrea was packaging Ethiopian coffee and market it in the world, as ‘Eritrean’. Large businesses, factories and financial institutions were getting bough and obtained by those, who pledged aligence to Eritrea, leaving the owners of the country Ethiopians some what pushed aside. When Isayas invaded Ethiopia, they had the audacity to openly fund raise in Addis and regional towns for his war effort. I don’t think you can under estimate a kind of resentment that could create among Ethiopians. That is why, during Bademe war, when EPRDF declared it’s divorce from EPLF and Eritrea and called young people to enlist to go to war, it’s call was recieved enthusiastically and eventually, Ethiopia managed to win the war. It is a human nature to seek a revenge against those, who you feel deeply hurt you, and Ethiopians can not be different. There are good number of Ethiopians, who would want those, who humiliated them to be humiliated. Those, who dehumanized them to see what it looks like to be insulted and belittled. To answer your last question, no. Ethiopians do not believe that Isayas is inflicting any damage on them, let alone the maximum one. Isayas is viewed in Ethiopia as an old toothless beast, who’s most power is just to growl. He’s not feared, but forgotten. He’s not admired, but mocked. Most people, particularly the current generation does not view Eritrea differently than Sudan and Somalia. They believe that, if Ethiopia is able to handle the lawless anarchy state of Somalia with the most dangerous terrorist group in the region, and keep them at bay, they don’t believe Isayas would be much difficult or any different to deal with.

    • Elenta

      Eyob,
      There will always be some Eritrean on the side of dictators as there were some Ethiopians on the side of Mengistu and Haileslasie. They all believe that what they are doing is on the interest of their country.
      But,you need to differentiate between the government and the people.
      When it comes to Ethiopians act towards Eritreans you tried to make it human nature,you wrote:
      “It is a human nature to seek a revenge against those, who you feel deeply hurt you, and Ethiopians can not be different”.

      According to your argument we have every right to hate Ethiopia and Ethiopians because the things they did to us were not comparable to what you stated. It is not an insult or taking economical advantage .What they did is genocide.

      But,unlike you we don’t hate you and have never talk about revenge.our instinct is to forgive and move on!!

      Regards,

      • Eyob Medhane

        Elenta,

        Plesae, scroll down and, read the conversation between Hayat..

      • Tazabi

        There is a saying let other speak about you not yourself. You said “But,unlike you we don’t hate you and have never talk about revenge.our instinct is to forgive and move on!!”. We Ethiopians have not seen much love from Eritreans. It was all hate. I am not talking about government level – I am talking at the grass root level. So do not tell us about love forgiveness what we saw was hate for no reason. There is an Amharic saying Yelushin Balsemash gebeya Belwetash.

    • Tamrat Tamrat

      Eyob!

      You are confused on one thing. You reflect only the tigray-plf feelings and thoughts. And that confused you in thinking you represnet all ethiopians.

      The majority of Ethiopians who believe in unity have had the same contempt for tplf and eplf. And they showed all what must be shown when one lost part of its People and land. And as you have said tigray-tigrinya (now you want to blame only the tigrinay People)People showed us how embarassing was to be ethiopians. The behaviour of eplf during 1998 was understood but tplf supporters couldnt allow us at least for the ones who depended still on the unity of ethiopia and bullshited on us. Tigra-plf and their supporters have shown the true clolor of the haterade for Ethiopia with theri visonary reducing ethiopian history to 100 years. What awatenians telling us now was said boldly by the visonary of tigray and tigrinya People in 1991-1998. What changed eyob and his tplf families was the isayas and his supporters discovery of 1998 what eplf has for its messangers. ‘since that time eyob and his families never sleeps without praying for the unity of ethiopia. In short the enemity of the two People were well orchastrated more by tigray-plf People than the eritreans. The maority erist during 1991-1998 they quietly facilitated for woyanes and controlled the buisness as much as they could. This off course boiled the unity People because the anti unity People with their visonary preached unity and the at the same time harvested what the unity is producing just like what isayas trying to do (ya, lets those moron use the ports and we can plug the electricity, who cares if the 90 millions derve Electric light or not just plug it we are tigriniya People after all,ha ha. eyob’s dream).

      Since the first war between tplf and eplf up to now, what we Call ethiopia’s and eritrean’s proble are basically is the misguided policy of tplf and eplf. tplf is socring high just simply playing the unity card. Mind you tigray is led by a Liberation front and not Eritrea.

      • Tazabi

        I think this is quiet a naive argument. EPLF and Eritrean nationalism predates TPLF. Eritrean nationalism’s hatred of Ethiopia came first. It was not a creation of TPLF. TPLF being pragmatic used EPLF to sieze power in Ethiopia. TPLF also relayed on the large and influential Eritrean population in Ethiopia to strengthen its grip of the country and its institution. By 1998 EPLF has overstayed its welcome in Ethiopia and its usefulness for TPLF. Thus the war of 1998-2000. Eritrean nationalists are always blinded by their hate and fabricated sense of superiority as the result they overlooked the situation in Ethiopia. EPLF believed that with a snap of their fingers Ethiopia will disintegrate and just the threat of that will bring TPLF inline. Well as the saying from the movie scar face where a drug dealer counsels an upcoming drug kingpin. Do not get high on your own supply. EPLF was high on its own manufactured propaganda of its own invincibility and how Ethiopia was a made up nation that will collapse just with a touch. Here we are

        Whatever is to be said of TPLF – it is no EPLF. It is more pragmatic and to some extent self correcting organization. The criticism agains Eyob is not fair.

      • Hayat Adem

        Tamirat guadegNaye,
        If it bothers you that Ethiopia is lessened by the separation from Ethiopia, do not make distinction between Tigray and the rest Ethiopians. We’re trying hard to bring people together. We need to start with these two very colose peoples (Ethiopia and Eritrea) and then include others in the Horn. You would be legitmate to talk about the TPLF but do not do it with the Tigray people, they will feel distanced. And that is not good for building a nation and a society. Right, Tamme?

        • Tamrat Tamrat

          Yes, Right, Hayat!

    • Hayat Adem

      Eyoba,
      Things happened in the past. Some of them bad, some of them worse on both sides. Almost all bad things happened because of few irresponsible and hate driven individuals.The two people are sin-free and were victims themselves.But now, we should heed this wise woman’s words: “It doesn’t matter where you’ve been; what matters is where you are going”- By Sandra Pianalto. Always the future is longer and more important than the past. Like I said in my previous comments, bad apples not just mess the past but complicate the future.
      Self defense is but revenge and hate are always unjustified even as a mater of principle. And yet, you will never be able to figure out the net balance of victimology sheet for the past for/against either of these two fraternal peoples. Among these generations, “revenge” must be a taboo word pointing to a cycle of hurting each other. There is nothing natural about it- I mean, not even a millionth of micro-gram!!! And yet, I’m saying even-zero hurting is not good enough between these two peoples. They should go above that. They are meant to inter depend on, to look out for each other.The two peoples should work and prosper hand in hand, secure and maximize their spot in the global stage. To hear ugly words like “revenge” from bright-minded like you is hard to stomach for me. One day i am elated envisioning the power of harmony and solidarity from these two peoples, another day when I hear such words as “hate and revenge” from the cream citizens of both nations, all my hope is replaced by doubt. You and I can can start the journey. Dawit Mokonon and Tsega can follow us later. A good journey needs to be started by good people.
      I’m sure you are aware of the computer code- the binary code. Every thing is in “0”s and ‘1’s, a varying combination of them. One time, bad score may have been scored from the Eritrean side against Ethiopians. Lets put 1 for that. The Ethiopians reacted to correct that and scored back, bringing it to neutral- 0. And now because the Eritreans are weakened and the Ethiopians would want to take advantage of that and exceed to move their neutral locator beyond. They are now at point 1. The Eritrean couldn’t willingly bear this excess, and reorganized themselves and fought back to knock down the Ethiopians back to zero, or may be go beyond and score more gain to be at 1. And another round of those things- 0 and 1.
      That was what has been happening but we should get out of this vicious circle of the binary cycle. We should combine our scores and not let them even-out. Eritrea scores 1 against poverty, Ethiopia does the same, they both score 2 in sum. They can even create dynamics of development by joining hands, brains and resources and the developmental scoring board registers staggering numbers: 2,4,8,16…n, lifting up both peoples and the entire Horn of Africa out of the misery they are found now.
      Think big, think beyond, think the future- Eyoba. You should let yourself to be the foundation for the future, not a shelf of the past. Do not think people like Dawit Mokonon and Tsega are too many. Even if they are, the fight should be to lower their number not to join them.
      ehtih Hayat

  • Danny

    This comprehensive compilation paints a grim picture of an Eritrea being a cave where a python lives, with skeletons of different sizes are strewn all around.

  • Kokhob Selam

    Today My Jebana is leading us toward kindness and informing us that all events are from god but the way we reach their is our responsibilty. what? I don’t know, it is only Jebana saying so.enjoy it.

    • Zahra

      Kokhob,

      W can’t blame all our problems on others and God. We have to think well before we get into a problem. Unless you think the way Isayas does, JUST GET IN THERE EVEN IF YOU DON’T KNOW THE WAY OUT, LIKE WARS AND BETRAYALS. Unless you are Isayas, YOU DON’T BELIEVE THAT HURTING PEOPLE CAUSES PAIN TO THE WHOLE NATION. Just my two cents of the week.

      • Kokhob Selam

        Zahra Habtey, come to Jebana page enjoy awel bun and Eritrean Enbaba.

  • Awatistas & All (Particularly Dawit Meconnen)

    No laughing matter…for fact Issayas and his circles had started the deculturalization of Eritrean cultures especially those cultures that relate with the Ethiopian culture. Here is one of the cultural plots attempted to abolish as quoted by Zekere Lebona from Aba Arre’s writing on the “mother language policy.” (asmarino.com)

    “A language conference to replace the Geez Script with a Latin script was convened in meda ostensibly for purpose of technological development, said Idris Aba Arre (place and date was not made available) in his seminal writing on the “Mother-tongue” policy under the regime in post-independence Eritrea.1 However, according to him, the attempt was dropped because many of the participants were “bitter” about the idea, which implies the existence of a political space for dissenters within the EPLF organization.” This was a pathetic and idiotic idea even to think let alone to bring for a debate with his colleagues. Sometimes when we see YG’s argument about EPLF’s reconstructing Eritrean identity, it surely finds its currency when you hear About the man’s Eritrea social reconstruction such as abolishing geeze language.

    Dawit M. – Please consider this info that this evil man does not have the strategy with TPLF to reverse the Eritrean independence (which BTW stains still in your mind) but rather he has a project to abolish our culture anything that resembles to the Ethiopian culture.

    • Elenta

      Dear Amanuel,

      You are bitter when people complain about Ethiopian’s interference with our opposition agenda and also act like a middle man when people respond to YG’s argument to link Eritreans identity to the country assembled by emperor Tedros. Your argument was lets not focous on side issue.
      Now you found something that make you to praise YG ,because he pointed out EPLF was trying to destroy the culture of christian Eritrean tigrigna culture.

      But you were mum when he was labeling muslim eritrean, who were advocating for the independence of Eritrea as Arabs,Islamist,anti habesha(anti christian).

      I thought you were fair minded politician, but I am not sure now.

      I am not H/habesha nor Arab, but proudly Eritrean Muslim.
      If you are proud Eritrean you need to stand with us when your country men and women are labeld as Arabs/islamist….

      I know you were against calling neo-Andenet.

      Btw,I am against the idea to replace geez script since it is one of eritrean culture, but also I am against using Geez script in non-semetic eritrean languges

      Regardss,

      • Selam Elenta,

        I can only say go and refer all my writings and make your own judgement. Then after that I could engage you. Any thing I write or argue I don’t do it to satisfy anybody but to satisfy my conscience. I am always dictated by conscience as to what is good or bad to make my political, social and economical judgement. Just give an example a non-Muslim who defend the right of any religion (including Islam) or the right of minority for that matter. I think you are new to awate and asmarino websites in which I contribute and shared my perspectives regarding the Eritrean political escape.

        • Moderator,

          Correction : please correct Political escape to “Political landscape”

      • Tamrat Tamrat

        Are you against in using arabic script in the non arabic Languages? Are you against in using arabic Language in the non arabic mother tangue language? If all eritreans can arabic which way and speed their progress is heading? And what about in the tigrinya cases?

        What i mentioned are the supperficial questions i am raising based on Your comment. But if you realy understand why YG has stopped analyzing eritrean problems is because he just simply put it in black and white why you stuck With isayas. YG has explained how Eritrea can survive as a peacefull entity concidering the Peoples and their values. What you and the like you are telling us the struggel awate bullett initiated has not resulted the intended goal and Your excuse is off course look HIGDEF. Thanks to HIGDEF because it is not christian!

        Stop using Ethiopia as a Proxy. Stop hiding under the disguise of HIGDEF. Put all Your Cards open and forward all possible antagonism ad differences loud and Clear now while HIGDEF is staggering. And let People know Your political agenda. Putting Your surprise till HIGDEF falling Down will certainly bring us days we appreciate HIGDEF, God frobid. And this is what Cowards do.

        questions for awatenians:

        When the higdef falls dawn, does the party you support see higdef as christian sympathizers or just simply as a ruthless dectator?

        ARe you going to have a secular government, or secular government which sympathize islam?

        Can you use arabic Language as eritrean Heritage without the great influence of the arab world`

        Is Eritrea be a member of arab League by default or would there be a referendum?

        • Elenta

          Well ,YG is intellectually dishonest guy. His argument doesn’t consider the whole part of Eritrea.

          Because he advances Haileslasie’s agenda he is the only person for you and other Ethiopians who analyzed Eritrean problems as black and white-what a magician!!

          You and YG and likes can be whatever you want be-you can be h/Habesh, you can be abbysinian, you can be Ethiopian ,you can be rasteferian, you can be solomawian….. its up to you and we don’t care.

          But you have no right to tell us if we are not hebesha we are Arabs- its not your business.

          No one cares if Eritrea becomes members of Arab league or not.
          Back to my question:
          Are Oromos, sidamas and others against Habesha/christians because they didn’t use geez script?
          Do Djibutian abysinians? because Afar and Iy-ssa clan doesn’t belong to the ruling class/neftegna of ethiopia no one care,you don’t care.

          we didn’t say we hate Ethiopians and their culture. You are the one who always complain- Eritreans hate Ethiopia and Ethiopians, they want to be Arabs,they want to be Italians(better eating spaghetti than Ethiopians)—-

          We don’t need your advice about Arab league.

          Regards,

          • Tamrat Tamrat

            Which part of Eritrea YG represnt then? May be we swap them With other ethnic Groups, by free Choice. I dont want afar to be separated. I dont want to jump here and there just to justify my value. Afar is separated 1998 and shall be United. Period.

        • Kokhob Selam

          Dear Tamrat,
          1st read carefully what is written Amauel.
          2nd remember Geez is the mother of three main languages in horn Africa. Amharic, Tigrigna and Tegre. Non among them can claim to be the first as history tells us they got parallel development. Read again what I am saying. This will help you to understand Geez script is just one of the common cultures we own. But not owned by Ethiopian. We are not defending to those who want to make history our script temporary till PFDJ move from the universe (God willing). But that is ours my friend. It is my duty to let my language survive.
          Eritrea is a country like Ethiopia and we have a common big identity we are both Habesha . in fact some countries in horn are suppose to claim that they are Habesha and here Geez has nothing to do with that again. (you know the truth)

          • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

            Tigre is the first born from Geez. Even there is no proof Tigre or Geez first? though I hear Tigre born from Geez that may not true. Tigre and Geez have equal power that I do not see one daughter and the other is mother. Tigryna and Amhara seem born later times. there are many words in tigryna and Amhara that got another name or sub name that also shows after they were picked from Tigre they again gave birth to extended words like root > leaves > stem > flower. there are no new words in Tigre and Geez that all are old. Including to understand Tigre or Geez is hard except sounding close but easy for these who know Geez.
            Both Tigryna and Amhara are modern languages born from experiences and people interaction, Tigre and Geez are unknown there is no connection these two languages with religion or culture or civilization or particular people since they were perhaps born 15,000 – 20,000 years ago.
            In time Tigre will die even soon – to find Tigre only will be in books the same as the Geez now limited only in orthodox church books. the reason the developments of Arabic and other modern languages including Tigre speakers are too few perhaps 2million people. 2million people will melt into Arabic, tigryna, and English.

    • Amanuel
      I am glad you raised this issue. This issue alone is where the past and now meets. Although, I may not recall the exact date and year, one day one of the die hard Issayas followers came to my house to brief me the following information:- The government of Eritrea is planning to use different alphabet. At first I thought he was just joking and my first response to him was, good try today is not April Fool. But then as he continues his discussion I found out he was serious. I was stunned and paused for a moment. Then I decided to ask him simply questions, such as:
      1.Why? His response was according the information he had the government wants to have complete independence from Ethiopia and its alphabets.
      2. to make it short the question goes and goes followed by his dump answers.

      My advice to him and his government was a piece of information from a small book that I read several years ago, and that goes:- In the late 1950s America spent so much money in a research replacing its vowels Linguistic researchers were sent out across the world. Interestingly, the linguistics agree that the Geez vowel system will be best fit. Hence they went to the panel and presented their honest research.
      It did not make for the following reasons:
      A. Some said, the public will be outraged because of its source.
      B. Some said, we all have to go to school(as low as kindergarten to learn the new vowel system
      C. The third which really made sense was where is the money to translate all our books into these new books.

      I hope your government understands the consequences. After All Geez language and its alphabets has nothing to do with be it enemy or friend. Geez was a rich language and it will stay richer.
      I am sure he will not deliver the message, but that was my stand then and that is my stand now.

      • Hayat Adem

        Meretse,
        Would you mind telling us the name of the book or sending us the accessing link if it is online?
        Hayat

        • Dear Hyat,
          I am digging my bookshelf. The book is somewhat like a booklet. If I can’t find it I will try to hit the main library and see if I can get some help.

          • Hayat Adem

            Thanks for the promise.

        • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

          Geez is not Ethiopian it is own by many and nothing to do with Ethiopia and Ethiopian. It must be cheating like the Gedli Eritrea cheated from the muslim or MeTaHt people by the particular KebeSa people. then we fooled but we found out the truth later.
          First the name of Ethiopia came up from around midetranean to Africa then to south east Africa finally settled around today’s wello, shewa, and gonder. So the Geez evolution and the name Ethiopia evolved is different like the earth and planet mars. The original Geez must be born around Eritrea and tigray regions then gone to south regions.
          These trying to redesign geez and its letters must be crazy people, even ignorant and foolish and DimuDimu Drunkards. first who gave them the authority change the letters. the orthodox church and priests are the one shaped for many thousand years.

          Second the sole owner of Geez and Geez letters is the Orthodox church. Nothing to do with these politician or other groups.

  • Tamrat Tamrat

    What to learn fro Ethiopians?

    Communism exposed to all sufferings ethiopia for destruction. The west can be friend even With even devils to destroy comunism.

    Be it strategy or any other advantage Eritrea is more important for the west than Ethiopia. But the communist regime must be destroyed. (My stand as to communism is not important. But the wrold is not a fair Place for communism even the Whole eritreans want communism. The west will demolish it).

    Unity is cheaper and cessesion is too expensive. If unity doesnt work then avoiding war With neighbourin countries must be sustained at all possible COSTs.

  • Hayat Adem

    Dawit Mok,
    I happen to know at least* one Tigrean/Ethiopian (I’ll rename her Tsega) who prays for a longer time of Isaias’ stay in power. Her reason was not because she believed Isaias deserved it but because she believed the Eritrean people did. She thinks most Eritreans, badmouth, belittle and wish evil on Ethiopia, especially on Tigreans. So, her wish for Isaias to stay comes from her evil wish on Eritreans. She thinks the Eritrean ego need to get right-sized and Isaias is doing it well for her. Well, there were other Eritreans and Ethiopians in the discussion and I would say her line of thought didn’t go far unchallenged but the fact there are folks who entertain such an idea was an eye opener for me. Dawit Mekonon views Isaias through the same lens as Tsega does.
    What would have been the truly ideal Eritrean state of situation for Tigray/Ethiopia right now: a peaceful and stable Eritrea where people move in and out freely for business and work opportunities; an economically striving Eritrea where market and trade interactions are intensified with neighbors; and Eritrea which is not a security threat at all so that they (Ethiopian)don’t have to deploy 100k foot soldiers and a lot of armaments on the watch at the front. They cannot get all these good things as long as Nsu is in power. How many times must be said to get this point across among Ethiopians and Eritreans: the fate of these two peoples is intertwined. As much as Isaias is destroying Eritrea, he is also hurting Ethiopians,as well.
    —-
    * Tsega claims she knows a lot other Ethiopians who share her thoughts

    • Eyob Medhane

      Hayat,

      No matter how Tisge’s is not nice, believe me plenty of Ethiopians across the board, who have been insulted, mocked, belittled, humiliated and dehumanized by Eritreans, who are cut the same cloth of Dawit Mekonnen have the same kind of prayer. Forget Tsige, and research it yourself. You’ll find out that sad fact….

      • Hayat Adem

        Eyoba,
        I wish you could share your encounters and reflect on them a little. I am sure Isaias is hurting Eritrea and Eritreans first, and then Ethiopians as well. The worst crime I think of Isaias when it comes to the relationship between Ethiopians and Eritreans is his successful works of damaging the bond (in some ways beyond repair) and wasting the opportunities that would have been used to maximize the advantages of the two nations by multiplying all possible collaborative fronts of engagement in the region. That damage exceeds all other damages including the direct destruction of the war he planned,instigated, escalated and stretched it to bring maximum destructive impacts. Why would Ethiopians want to stay this guy longer in action? Doesn’t that mean the continuity of the status quo of mutual damage?
        Hayat

        • Tazabi

          Why blame only Isaias for the broken bond between Ethiopians and Eritreans. Pre 1998 you will be hard pressed to find an Eritrean who did not share Isaias’s belief. Now this he is the only one to be blamed. That does not make sense. Most Ethiopians until recently advocated for unity and considered Eritreans as their brothers and sisters.

  • Haile,
    Now I can see the Barrio Riders traveling together and that for say is good. But, what I am not sure is how long it will last?

  • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

    Timeline of Esayas Afewerki’s Destructive Journeys.
    1. in his early teen and 20s years he could not tolerate hunger in his family house.
    2. 1967-? failed to finish assignments and homework become the loner in Adis Markato.
    3. 19? decided never to go home but go directly to Gedli for reasons he hated his sibling and he feared the hunger too.
    4. 1970 he found perfect passion – the Gedli. these clever his ex classmates become jealous of his Gedli accomplishments and his new passion.
    5. 1972 he ignited the bloody war in GeraGr Sudan. GeraGr sudan about 60-70km from Karora to the north.
    6. 1972 decided to surrender to hailesalsie army but by reason of still not clear he stepped back. one reason could be he hated his family.
    7. 1972 – 1973 he began formal execution of fighters.
    8. He killed Abraham Segeneiti by rat poison at Ala flat plains. about two hours before his death Abraham mate his mother. He was healthy and stable ready to walk the plains of Ala.
    9. 1974 formally decided to terrorize Akeleguzay, seraye, and Jeberti people.
    10. 1975 he had the full control of the Gedli when several 1000s young and educated left Adis for Gedli.
    11. 19?? MenKaE, YemenaWi I am not sure about these if anyone know welcome to tell me.
    12. 1975-6 he several fighters calling it SewraWi SgumTi.
    13. 1977 he established the notorious death squad ToF.
    14. 1977 boosted for killing 3000 unarmed Raya Azebo people in zelambesa. The criminal derg called Zemach BeHbreT to murder these poor, innocent and uneducated Raya Azebo people. Since then the Raya name tainted with negatives all to blame Derg for arming them with rope only, telling them to lynch WenbeDe rather than advice them the WenbeDe were deadly armed.
    1978-9 began storming ideas on how to destroy Jebha.
    15. 1978 he told the fighters to hold back enemy force at ElaberEd one of the ugliest war around Keren. to stop the massive enemy forces at all costs. though it was wrong. he supposed to remove his office from keren city before enemy arrive in ElaberEd. It was very very bad war HE should not did that – bad place, too tight, and massive enemy forces mechanized AIR COVER and ShisHo seraWiT.
    1982 He began destroying Jebha by killing first young kids named TsbaH at Barka river. the crime of the kids was refusal to denounce Jebha. all executed.
    16. 1985 he killed Ibrahim Afa. the reason esayas was jealous of Ibrahim skills in solving disputes including he Ibrahim used to talk back wedi afe.
    17. 1985 He boasted he can use weyane to destabilize the whole Ethiopia. he said this with Sbhat efrem and others around for coffee and chat.
    18. 1987 he was glad for removing Ibrahim afa before the election of the 2nd meeting.
    19. 1991 august he boasted he was the force behind for change in Ethiopia. he meant he was the one defeated derg not the weyane then Weyane thought him lesson beginning 1997 – 2013.
    20. 1992 disrespected the fighters and their demands called them EsheLaT.
    21. 1994 He murdered MayHabar disabled fighters after they insulted him.
    22. 1994-1997 become overly rude, stupid, and the worst boaster – know all, dreamed war with any neighbor country.
    23. 1997 READY TO MUDER MORE YOUNG ERITREAN toxicating them with eri nationalism.
    24. 1999 -2000 the weyane and meles defeated him.
    25. Arrested his comrades, some he killed them.
    Become Sunday church goer.
    26. 2009 he got reward from UN – Sanction.
    27. 2010 he tried to be good person for the first time such as visiting Eritrean villages he used to hate, treat them cheap and ignorant sub tigrayan.
    28. 2012 He attempted suicide called his wife and his family for the first time.
    29. 2013 HE become the most JelGaD citizen, sadist too.

  • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

    Yemane GebreAb and SbHat Efrem are the most dishonest high rank officials. They always play in the middle that they do not clearly tell their stance. This act tells us they will face heavy punishment later at the same time they are poor skilled politicians only play where the wind is blowing. Until then they trick both sides – wedi Afe side and these of opponents. these two people are the most moribund politician.

  • Cherini Adgi

    Moderator,

    Are you pulling Inspector Clouseau on me? Here is what Machiavelli had to say about it, “What is the hung up about using multiple pen-names as long as the messages are consistent.” The quote is taken from “The Princess” a sequel to his magnum opus “The Prince.”

  • Kokhob Selam

    Hailat Habibi,

    Finjal of the day, colored. you know how much the color motters with those addicted Jebena coffee. today i want to have blue lined in white. you know that I am sensitive.

    • Kokhob Selam

      መሬት ተንቀጥቅጥ ንሶም ግን ይሕስው
      In reality nature is warning us and here shows how much god is angry with PFDJ on this day 18/09/2013 but Issays and Al-amin deny that they surprise with this and try to tell us this is now everywhere. Join me in Jebana today.

    • haile

      Selamat KS

      I read every single one of the poems, can’t wait for the next one…keep it up and God bless

  • Michael, B.

    Moderator, please, include somewhere this article. If not, let me know. Thanks.
    ዛንታን ፍልስፍናን ወገንን
    1ይ ክፋል ጥንታዊ መእቶ
    ሓደ ጸገም ምህሮና እቲ ዘይምህሮና ኢዩ፡ ዘይምህሮና ከኣ እቲ ክንፈልጦ ዘይንኅእል መንጎ ሰማይን ምድሪን ዚህሉን ዚኀውንን ዘይህሉን ዘይከውንን ንግምግሞ ነገር ኩሉ ኩለንታ ምጠቕለለ፡ ከም ሰብ ዝጸዓርና እንተጸዓርና ዘይነርከቦ ምህሮን ዘይንፈትሖ ቁጻርን ወይ ዝፈታሕና እንተፈታሕና ቁጻር ዚተርፍ ነገር እንዶን ኢዩ፡ እቲ ዘይውዳእ ምህሮ፡ ዘልፋዊ ዓውዲ ሕቶታት እውን መሐልል ሕቶታት መበልናዮ፡ ኣፍና መሊእና ንዛረበሉ ቀንጠመንጢ ዛዕባ እውን ይኁን፡ ከንቱነት ጸዓትና መመልከተ፡ ንምክሓሉ ፍልጠት ከስ የብልናን
    እዚ ዘረባ ኣብ ባዶ ኣብነት ከይፍንጣሕ፡ ሓደ ሰብ ንብሎ ኣካል ስለ ርእሱ ከዕልል ወይ ስለ ሕሉፍ ሃለዋቱ ኪጽሕፍ ንርእሱ ክንደይ ከም ዘለሊ ክንእምት ንፈትን፡ ሓደ ዝክሩ ይጽሕፍ፡ ኣብ ፊት ዓይኒ ልቦናና ኣሎ፡ ተነባቢ ኢዩ፡ ግን እቲ ዝጸሓፎ፡ እቲ ዋናኡ ስለ ርእሱ ብንጽሕናን ቅንዕናን ኣፍልጦ ርእሱን ኪነግረና ክንደይ ንርእሱ ከም ዚፈልጥ መዘነ፡ እቲ ኣካል ርእሱ ኣለለየ ክንብል ዘጠራጥር ነገር ርግጽ ኣሎና፡ ኣብ ፊት መስትያት ኮይኑ፡ ኣነ መን እየ ኪብል፡ ንኣብነት ነፍንፃኡ ይትኩር፡ ዋእ! ይብል፡ ዘይተጸበዮ ኣፍንፃኡ ናብ ሓደ ገጹ ዘባል ይጸንሖ፡ ኣፍንፃኡ ኣፍንፃ ቀደሙ ኢዩ፡ ሕጂ ደኣ ኣስተብሂሉሉ’ምበር፡ ፍሉጥ መለለይኡ ነበረ፡ ገለና ክንግምግም!
    ኣስገለትዶ ሰበይቱ፡ ዘይኣመሉ ኣብ ፊት መስትያት ስለ ዝተሃነና፡ እሞ ባዕሉ ኪብል፡ “እንታይ ትገብር” ሓተተቶ፡ “ዋላሓንቲ፡ ኣብዚ ውሥጢ ኣፍንፃይ እጥምት … ሰበይተይ፤ ናበይ ገጹ ከም ዘዘዚ ትርኢ ደኣ መሰለኒ፡ በለት ምስ ክምስታኣ፡ ከም መላለሱ ዝተረገጸ ከልቢ ግልብጥ በልኩ፡ ይዘዝየኒዶ ንኣይዶ ኣፍንፃይዶ …፡ መዓረይ እወ .. ናብ የማን ይዘዝየካ ….፡ 28 ‘ዓመት ነበረኒ፡ እዚ ነጠባ ግልሃት … ከም ዘይግበኣኒ ቅጽዓት ኣቖጥዓኒ …. “ ሰብኣይ ኣብ መስትያት ምሐር ደው ከም ዝበለን ሰብ ከም ዚፈልጦን ንርእሱ ከም ዘይፈልጥን ወዮ ሓደነቱ ምስ ኣካልነቱ ዘየድረቐ፡ ካብዚ ከም “ሓደ-ዋላሓደ-ሚእቲሥሕ” ገጹ፡ ፒራንደላዊ ነኪር ኣካል ንርእሱ ይግለጽ፡ ብቀልቢነቱ (ዓይኑ፡ እዝኑ፡ ርምሰሳኡ) ንርእሱ ኣይፈለጠ እምበኣር ኣየለለየ! በዚ ዝኆነ ሃቀንታ ምህሮን ፍልጠትን ተመክሮን ከንቱ ፋሕተርተር ይኀውን፡ ኣብ ሶሊሎክዊ ዚብሉዎ መግለል ህልውና ይጥሕል፡ ንርእሱ እንተ ዘየቕለበ ብርእሱ ኣይሃሎን፡ ከመይ፤ “ ምቕላብ ኢዩ ምህላው ”! ይብሉና ዓዲ ገሊኦም
    ካብዚ ላዕላይ መጸለል ኣስተብህሎ ድንቁርና ርእሰ-መንነት ምስ ተኣለና ደጊም ምጥንቃቕ የድልየና፡ ዘይዓቕሚና ከነዕልል፡ ንሰብ ክንጥብር፡ ንርእሲና ከይነዋረድ፡ ደቂ ሃገር፡ ብጃህራ ምህሮ ከም ምትላል ዚቐልልን ዘኅፍእን ነገር ከም ዘይህሉ ንቐደም እሞ ኩሉሳዕ ገምጊምና ንዋሳእ፡ እዚ ዓቢ ዲሲፕሊን እንዶ ይሓትት፡ ነቲ ሶክራተስ፡ ለባም ለባማት፡ ምቕሉል ሓሳቢ ድንቁርናኡ ኪእመን መሳጢ እሞ መዓላዊ ፍላስፋ ምዝካር ይጠቅም፡ ኣፍ ሂቡና ብዙሕን ውሑድን ክንዛረብ ፅብጢን ሓቂን ምሳና ከምዘላ ክንኣምን ርቡጻት ኢና፡ ገለና ሰማይን ምድሪን ከነላግብ ግዲ ንፍትን
    ዘይፍልጠት፡ እዚ ፍጹም ጻዕሪ እንዶ ሰብ ዘይኣልዮ ዕንቅፋት ምህሮ፡ ኣውራ ኣብ ዓውዲ ፍልስፍና፡ ማተማቲክ፡ ሳይንስ እወ ኣብቲ ፍጹም ሓቂ ብንጹር ስልቲ ነናድየሉ ዓውዲ ምህሮ ሕልፊ ዚገጥም ይመስል፡ ካብ ፍልስፍና የብሉ ካብ ሳይንስ! እዚ ኩነት መፈጠርና ኩሉሳዕ ጸላም ከም ዘይፍለየና የመልክት፡ ሓቂ ምህሮ ዘይንፈልጠሉ ደኣ ሓድሓድና ዘይነገልጸሉ ደኣ እንታይ ኢዩ ፋይዳኡ፡ ሓደ ፋይዳኡስ ካብ ሃሰሳ ዓዲ ዘይምውዓል ግዲ ይኀውን፡ ሕልፊ ሓሳብ፡ ነቲ ፍረ-እንዶ ፈንጻጊ ነገር ዶ’ሎዎ፡ እቲ ምስጢር ሃለዋት ከም መተርኣስ ምሳድከ ንባህርይ ሰብ የለስልሶዶ፡ ካብ ሕሱብ ምግልባጥ ዓዲ ኣይውዕልን ሰብ፡ ብንሁር ፍጥነት ዚሰርሕ ሓንጎል ከኣ ካን ዓጋቲ የብሉን፡ እንተ ዚህሉዎ ነቲ ዋሕዚ ሓሳብ በብሓደ ምተኮርናዮ እሞ ናብ መንክር ቅርጺ ሓቂ ምለገብና ግዲ
    ንጹር ኣብነት፡ እቲ መርመራ ዘልፊ (ዘይውዳእ) ካብ ብዓል ዘኖን አለያዊ ናብ ብዓል ካንቶር … ጎደል ድንጸዋ (ፓራዶክስ) ምስ ምዝበራ መሰረት ማትማቲካዊ ሎጂክ ዝለከመ፡ ሓውሲ ፍልስፍናን ማተማቲክን ሳይንስን መዛረበና፡ እቲ ሎሚ ንኩለንታ (ዩኒቨርስ) ዚምልከት ከም ሓዲስ ኮስሞሎጂ፡ እቲ ዘይፍላስፋዊ፡ ዘይስኮላስቲካዊ ኮስሞሎጂ፡ እወ እቲ ፊዚካዊ ዓውዲ ምህሮ፡ ምስ ኣስትሮኖሚ / ኣስትሮፊሲክ ዚላተም፡ ምስ ዚትሓዋወሶ ‘ጥቕሉል መንጽርነት’ ኣይንስታያን ምስቲ ‘ክዋንቱም ፊሲክ‘ ዚብሉዎ ተርእዮ ‘ጽሉል’ ሳይንስ ብዓል ቦር፡ ሃይሰንበርግ፡ ፈርሚ … ፋይነማን … ኪደማመር መኣስ ብሩህ ይኆነልና፡ ገስጋስ ፍልጠት ኩለንታን ኣንጉዕ ህልውናን ዚውድሱ ኣለውና እሞ ድንቁርናና ኣይተለዓሎን፡ ተደመሮ ደኣ ገደዶ እሞ ሓታቲ፡ ሃራፍ ምህሮ እቲ ለባው ኣካል ካብ ምህሮ ዚብሎ ዋኒን ሰብ ሎሚ ኣይተዓገተን፡ እንታይ ካልእ ኪዋጢ
    እምበር፡ እቲ ብጻይ ፕሮታጎራስ፡ ጎርጃስ ባዕሉ፡ ቀዳሚኡ ዝበጽሖ ነገር ዘይፍልጠት ከይኣኅሎ፡ ገሊኡ ብንዕቀት ሶፊስታዊ ከም መታለሊ ሓሳቢ-ሰባኂ ዚስእሎ፤ ከም ሰብ ዝፈልጦ የብለይን፡ ከም ሰብ ዝፈልጦ እንተሎኒ እውን ንካልአይ ክገልጾ ዓቕሚ ኣይተዓደልኩን፡ ያ በለ፡ ሶክራተስ ብወገኑ፤ እንኮ ነገር እየ ዝፈልጥ እቲ ዘይምፍላጠይ፡ ይብል፡ እዚ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ ፍልጠት ምስ ዘስደምም ክስፈቱን ዘየቕስን ኩነት ሰባዊ ድንቁርናን ከስ ንኩሉ ንጡፍ ሓሳቢና ኣይፍለዮን፡ ደረት ኣእምሮኡ ኢዩ፡ ዘይጥሓስ፡ ዘይፍወስ፡ ብትኣምር ዘይክዕበት፡ ዓይኒ ማይ ቅብጸት፡ መንጎ ሰማይን ምድሪን ጠልጠል! ይመዘልና
    ቀዳሞት ፍላስፋታት ጽርኢ፡ እቶም ቅድሚ ወለዶ ሶክራተስ ዝተፋረዩ ከም ኮስሞሎጃዊያን ይርኣዩ፡ ሰረት ኩለንታ (ኮስሞስ / ዩኒቨርስ) የገድሶም፡ የናድዩ፡ ይድህስሱ፡ ዕብየቱ ኪሰፍሩ ይህቅኑ፡ ሱር ሰረቱ ዘይድህሰስ፡ ደረቱ ዘይልከ ከም ዝኆነ ተሎ ዶ ኣይተረድኡን፡ ድሮ ነቲ ‘ፋልማይ’ ኢዮናዊ ሓሳቢኦም ታለተስ ዝሰዓበ፡ ኣናክሲማንደር፤ “ኣፐይሮን” ሰረት ኩለንታ “ዘልፋዊ” ኢዩ በለ፡ ገለ ‘ዘንትዕለታዊ ዘይድሩት’ ነገር፡ ስለዚ ዘይተፈላጢ ምለቀምና ንሕና እሞ ዓዲ ኣይንውዕልን፡ ዕላልና ንቕጽል፡ ኣብ ዘለና ኣሊና፡ ኣብዛ ዓለም ክሳዕ ዘለና ንሱ እዚ ሃተውታ እንዶ ኢዩ እጃምና
    ደጊም፡ እቲ ከም “ምዕራባዊ ፍልስፍና” ዚልለ ምህሮ፡ ሱሩ ኣብ ንእሥቶ አስያ፡ ምስራቃይ ዘይምዕራባዊ ነበረ ከኣ ምበልና፡ ድሕሪ 2500 ዓመት ሰብ ዝገላበጦ ወፆ ሕቶ ፍልስፍና ወፆ ሕቶ ከም ዝተረፈን ከም ሕቶ ከም ዝተገላበጠን ከም ዘይተገልሀን አረ ኣብ ምሁር ቅብጸት ከም ዝበጽሐን ሓያሎ መመልከቲ ሓሳብ ምተወሃበ፡ ብዓንተቦ ኣኞስታዊ (ሓደ እምነታዊ ዓይነት ነጻጊ ፍልጠት) ኮነ ኞስታዊ (ሓደ ገጽ ዘይፈላጢ ወይ ስለ ዘይተፈላጢ መለኮት ዘዕልል) ኮነ ስከፕታዊ (ተጠራጠሪ ፍልጠት) መትከል ዝመትከሎም ርቡባት ጉጀለ በብዘበኑ ተፋርዮም፡ ሎም’ዚ ሎሚ አክዋ እቲ ሃይማኖት ይምዝበር ኣሎ፡ ኣምልኆ ሳይንስ ተካኢ ዶ ይኀውን፡ ሒዶት ዲዮም ገሊኦም ን ስነኪደት (አቮሉሥን) ይሕለቑ ኣለዉ፡ ወይ ኩለንታ ተቐላስ፡ ዘልፋዊ ነታግ እሞ ኣብ ግሁም ጸላም (ብላክ ሆል) ቀሃሚ እሞ ብሓዲስ ተፈጣሪ ኢዩ ዚብሉ፡ ክንዲ ፈጣሪ ፍጥረት መድረኅ ህልውና ዘልዕል ግስገሳ ስነኪደት ጥራይ ዚኣምኑ ኣይሰኣኑን፡ ኣብ ደረት ጋህዲ-ሕልሚ ዝረገጹ ተራቐቕቲ እንታይ ዘይብሉና፡ እቶም ሳይንስ ኮነ ፍልስፍና ዝዓውዶም
    ፕላቶን ብውንዙፉ ሕቶ እሞ ዕሩቕ እሞ ብንጽሉ ኣልዓለ፡ መራመረ፡ ኣርእስታቱን ዛዕባኡን ሓተታኡን ኣይግዋንየናን፡ ከም ሓሳብ፤ ጥበብ፡ ዕልመት፡ ብልጸት፡ ድፍረት፡ ፍልጠት፡ ጽቡቕ ከም ሰናይ ግብሪ ወይ ልላይ መልክዕ፡ መሳሊ ዘይመሳሊ፡ ፍሉይ ዘይፍሉይ፡ እንኮነት ዘይብዝሓት፡ … ብመሮ ደጊም፡ እኪት ከም ክፉእ ግብሪ፡ ዘይእሩም ምሳል፡ ገበን፡ ጽልሙት ድንቁርና፡ ዘይዕሩይ ስርዓት፡ ወዘተ. ኣገደሶ እሞ ክኢላ ሓሳቢን ወሓለ ደራሲን እንዲዩ ንሱ፡ ብዕሊ ሣይ ሓተተሉ፡ ኣበይ’ሞ ኩሉ ሕቶታቱ ክፉት ግዲ ተረፈ፡ ክፉት ግዲ ደለዮ፡ ጎራሕ-ለባም-እዱም ጸዋይ ንሱ፡ ድሕሪኡ ዘርከበ ሓሳቢ መዋዕላት፡ ሓደ መርማሪ (ዋይትሀድ እቲ ብጻይ ራስል ወፋሪ ማተማቲክን ፍልስፍናን) ከም ዝበሎ፡ ኣብ ኣንፊ ሕሱብ-ድሩስ-ምርሙር-ትውኩስ ፕላቶን ዚልቀም ጥራይ ግዲ ይኀውን

    ወዝቢ ውንዙፍ ርእይቶ
    እዚ ንፍትኖ ነጥቢታት ዛንታ፡ ትውፊት፡ ምዕባለ፡ እማረ ምብራቕ ኣፍሪቃዊ ወገና መገደሰ፡ በዚ እዋን፡ ስለ ጽዕንቶ ጥንቲ ግብጺ ኣብ ወገናት ፑንት ንብሎ ዚጠቅም ወይ ዚበቅዕ ነገር እክዋ እንተዘይብልና፡ ዚበሃል ኣይሰኣንን፡ ዝቐለለ ኣሰር ጽርኣዊ ሀለኒስታዊ ትውፊት ኣብ ክፍላት ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝቐለለ ምርካብ ይከኣል፡ ስለ ኣዱሊስን ቆሓይቶን ብፍላይ ሓድሓደ መንጽር ምእማት መድለየ እሞ ከይጋፋሕ ምሕጻር ይሕሠና፡ ንጥንታዊ ክፍሊ ዛንታና ዘጽንዑ ኣካላት ፍልስፍናዊ ነገር ኣየልዕሉሉን፡ ዝርካቡ እቲ ኣብ ክፍላት ኣክሱም ዚድህስሱዎ ነገር ኢዩ ጎፍታ ዚርከብ
    ካብ ዘበን መቀዶናዊ ፕቶለመዮስ 2ይ፡ ንጉስ ግብጺ፡ ወይ ካብ ዘበን አራቶስተነስ ብግዙፉ (250 ቅክ.) ክሳዕ ዘበን ፕቶለመዮስ እቲ ኣስትርኖማይ-ሳይንቲስት (150 ድክ.) ዝቐረበ ለላ ግዲ ምስ ሀለኒስታዊ ትውፊት ነበረና፡ ንኣንፊ ወገናትና? ምስ ሀለኒስታዊ ዓለም ጽንቡር ዚወስዶ ኣይሰኣንን፡ እቲ ፕቶለመዮስ 2ይ ንበለጹ፡ ነቶም ናትና ትሮጎዲታዊያን ስጋ ሓርማዝ ኣይትብልዑለይ ኪብሎም፡ ባዕሉ ምእንቲ ኪሃድኖም፡ ኣብ ፀካን ዕላማኡ ከውዕሎም እሞ ንጻንታ ከርግፎም ከም ዝመደበ ዶ ጠፍኦም፤ ዒፅ ተሓንፈፍ! ኪብሉዎ ብቀሊል ተላተምቲ ትውፊት ነበሩ ኣይንብልን፡ ጸብኢ ዝሓጀቶም ንሓራምዝ ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ከውዕሉዎም ካብ ዝጅምሩ ግን ሃድን-ጻንታ ሓርማዝ ትሮጎዲትስ ነሃረ፡ ኪነጀዉ ደጊም ጽርኣዊ ትውፊት ካብ ፕቶለማይስ ሃዳኖ ንድቡብ ብሓውር ኣዱሊስ ከሰበ ንብል ብእመታ፡ ካብ ሚእቲ ኣፍ ሓደ-ክልተ ድምዒ ጽልዋ ንሓልም
    ጽርኣዊ ሓድጊ ምስቲ ዝቐደሞ ሳባዊ ሓድጊ ኪቃጸጽ ተጋህደ፡ ኣብ ጽሑፍ ቀጸላ ተመዓራረ፡ ሓባሪ “ፐሪፕሎስ ባሕሪ አሪትራ” … ኣዱሊስ ምጥንቲ ቁሠት ወይ ብሕጊ ዝተፈለጠት መርሶ፡ … ኮሎየ (ቆሓይቶ ንበላ) ‘መዲተራናዊት’ ዓዲ ኢያ ይብለና፡ ባህለቱ ኣይነጸረን፡ ብልማዳን ህኑጻን ስርዓታን ምህሮኣን ግዲ ይኀውን፡ ባህለቱ ብምዕባላዊ ኣንፉ ንወስዶ፡ መንፈልጥ በለጽ ይልክም፡ ርግጽ እቶም ነጋዶ ጽርአ-ሮም ምስ መጻሕፍቶም ወፈሩዋ፡ ንኮሎየ ሃይማኖታዊ ኮነ ፍላስፋዊ ጽልዋታቶም ዶ ኣይገደፉላን፡ እዚ ወዝቢ ሕቶ እመታ ኢዩ፡ ዛጊት ካብ እመታ ኣይሓልፍን፡ ግን እምነት ክርስትና ቅድሚ ፍረምናጦስ (1ይ ክፍላ 4ይ መዋ. ድክ.) ብነጋዶ ወይ ፍሉሳት ከም ዝኣቶ ተሓቢርና ኢና፡ ከም ደቂዘበን፡ ፍረምናጦስ ምስ ሓዉ አደስዮስ ከኣ ተመሃሮ ፍልስፍና ነበሩ
    ምስ ክርስትና ናብ ወገናትና ዝኣቶ ፍልስፍና፡ ብቀሊል ኣይግምገምን፡ ገሊኦም ከም መውጽኣፎም፤ ፍልስፍና ኣገልገሊት ስነመለኮት/ ተዮሎጂ ኢያ፡ ይምስሉ፡ ብከምዚ ዕሊ ምሁራን ክርስትና ከም ብዓል ቀለመንጦስ እስክንድርያዊ፡ ኦሪጀነስ፡ ኣጎስጢኖስ ምስ ፋኑሳት ካልኦቶም ዋጋ ፍልስፍና ገናዊያን / ዘይክርስትያን እንተ ኣትሓቱ እምበር ብጥርሱ ኣይጎሰዩን፡ እንከሎ እቲ ጽረ ክርስትና ዚግምግሙዎ ነገር፡ መራሕቲ ክርስትና ግብጺ ከም ኣትናተዎስ ኮነ ቀርሎስ ዘለዉዎም ምስ ምዑታት ገናዊያን ሓሰብቲ ከም ብዓል ፖርፊር ኮነ ቀሳር ዩሊያኖስ ዘለዉዎም ኣካላት ተኀራኀሩ፡ ገለ ኣንፉ ናብ ምድሪ ተዋህዶ ርግጽ ሰረጸ፡ ዋላክዋ እቲ ሎሚ ንረኅቦ ቅሩብ ቁራቦ ወይ ምንሙን እንተኆነ፡ ተኀልኪሉ መኣስ ይኅልከል፡ እቲ ኣብ ዝቐረበ መዋዕል ናብ ግእዝ ዝተተርጎመ “መጽሓፈ ፈላስፋ ወጠቢባን” … መሳሊ ግን ካብ ብጃል ጥቕሲ ዓይነት ምስላ ዘይጥዑም ሕምቶ ኣይሓለፈን
    ኪነጀው መዋዕል መሓመድ ግን ብንግሆ ዛንታ እስላም (8ይ መዋ. ድክ. / 2ይ ሂ.) ርክብ ዳህላክን ኣስላማይ ዓለምን፡ ብፍላይ ምስ ምሁር ወገናት የመን ነበረና፡ ዛቢድ፡ እታ “ቀዳመይቲ ዩኒቨርሲቲ” ዚብሉዋ! ትውከፎ ምህሮ በብዓይነቱ ነበረ፡ እንተነበረ ተረሲዑና ኢዩ፡ እምበር ልሳን ኮነ ሳይንስ ኮነ ፍልስፍና ኮነ ስነኮኆብ ኣብ ሕግዋ የመን ኪምዕብል፡ ናብ ደስየትና ኪፈልስ መን ከልክሎ፡ ሓበረታና ደኣሉ ድሩት፡ ጽባሕ ንግሆ ኣብ ደስየታዊ ወገና ቅቡር ወይ ኣብ ዘይግንጹል ዓረባዊ ብራና ዚህሉ ነገር ሓዲስ መርኣይቲ ዛንታ ኪኅፈተልና ንትስፎ! ምዕባለ ማእከላይ ዘበና ሳላ ወኒ ኣስላማይ ምህሮ ሳይንስ እሞ ዘይንዓቕ ክንርዳእ ንኀውን፡ እዚ ግን ከም ትሑዝ ኪውሰድ የብሉን
    ካብዚ ሓያሎ መዋዕል ነጠርና፡ ብዘበን ተሓድሶ (ረናሳንስ) ኢጣልያ (15ይ መዋ. ድክ. ….) ዝተለለ ተርእዮ ዓለም፡ ብንጽሉ፡ እቲ ናይ ኒ. ማኪያቨሊ ስነምሳል ፖሊቲካ ኣብ ዳሕራይ ዛንታና ብዝገጠመና ወራር ከም ናውቲ በለጽን ፕሮፓጋንዳን ከም መሳልጥ ግፍዒ ምሕደራ ርግጽ ወዓለ፡ ነኪር’ሞ እኩይ’ሞ ኣምሰሉ ፍረ እንዶ ማኪያቨሊ ከመይ ወዓለ ምባል ጥራይ ኣይኣክልን፡ ድሮ 500 ዓመት፡ እቲ ልክዕ በዚ ወርሓት ዝተጸሓፈ ሓተታ “ልዑል” ከም ቀንዲ ናውቲ ፖሊቲካ ለባማትን መዳላሓቕቲን ጸንሐ፡ የመራስሓና ኣሎ
    ብካልእ መዳይ ምዕራባዊ እቲ ስኮላስቲካዊ ምህሮ ፍልስፍና ደጊም ብኢየሱሳዊ ወለዶ ኣምለጠና፡ ተዋህዶ እምነት ብመንጽር ፍልስፍናስ ባደመ ደኣ፡ ካብቲ እስክንድርያዊ ኮነ ቢዛንሳዊ ኮነ ሮማዊ ፍልስፍና ሓውሲ ተዮሎጂ ኣይወረሰን ወይ ዚኣክል ኣይወረሰን፡ መንፈልጥ እንቅዋዕ ኣይወረሰ ፍልስፍና ንክርስትና እንታይ ይምልኣሉ፡ በሃልቲ ይነብሩና፡ ብፍላይ ሰብ ፖርቱጋል ወይ ኢበርያ ሓደ ቁስሊ ጽላታዊ (ዶግማዊ) ዕብለላ ኪኀፍቱ ተመረሩ’ምበር፡ ብዓል ኦቪየዶ፡ መንደዝ ስኮላቲካዊ ፍልስፍና ከም ዕላዊ ምህሮ ናብ ተዋህዶ ወገናትና መእተዉ ነቢሮም፡ ግን ከመዮ ሀለኒነት እቲ ኣስላማይ ሳይንስ ኮነ እቲ ምዕራባዊ ተሓድሶ ኮነ ብርሃንነት ብመንጽር ስነጥበቡ ኮነ ፍልሱፉ-ሳይንሱ ኣብ ዶባትና ኪበጽሕ ከሰፈዶ ክንብል፡ ገለ ጽልዋ ቁልዒ ከነናድየሉ
    ዘርአ-ያዕቆብ (1599–1692) ፍላስፋ ወዲ ከባቢ ኣክሱም ነበረ፡ ሓሳባቱ ካበይ ከምዘምጽኦ ምርካብ ሎሚ ይጽግም፡ ግን ሕሉፍ ዘመናዊ ኢዩ፡ ዕላማኡ ገስጋሲ፡ ስለ ኩነት ደቂንስትዮ ዘምልክቶን ኣብ ሓዳሩ፡ ምስታ ዝመረጻ ኣገልጋሊት፡ ብመልክዕ ዘይንእዳ፡ ሕያወይቲ? ብዓልቲ ፍርቁ፡ ዝተጠቐመሉ ዕሊን ዝወዓሎን ናብራ ስድራን ፍላይ ኣሎዎ፡ ዋላክዋ እንትርፊ ረድኡ እየ በሃላይ ወልደ-ህይወት ዚምስክረሉ ካብ ብዕሉ ካልእ ዚምስክረሉ የብሉን፡ ዘርአ-ያዕቆብ ርግጽ ይመስል ካብ ጽልዋ ኢየሱሳዊያን ገለ ቀሰመ፡ ምስ ኣስላም ከዳርጎም፣ ንሕና በይኒና ሓቂ ኣሎና ኪብሉ፡ ብፍጹም ነጸጎም፡ መኖኮስ ክነሱ፡ ንተዋህዶ በተ-ክህነት ይወቕሶም፡ ብህየቱ ወይ ምንፍቕናኡ ኪጻረሩዎ ይኀሶም፡ ሓደ ጸላኢን ቀናኢን በተንጉስ ናብቲ ንጉስ ኣምሓራ ምስ ጠርዓሉ ዲዩ፡ ካብ ጽፍሪ ዝገበለ ከምልጥ ጥራይ ሓሰበ፡ ምስ ኣራዊት ኣብ በዓቲ፡ ከም ባሕታዊ፡ ግሉል ሰፈረ ኣብ በረኃ፡ ሞኖኮስነቱ ወይ ፋላሲነቱ እውን የጠራጥር፡ ከመይ ብበተክርስትያን ተዋህዶ ሓያል ተዓንቀፈ
    ዘርአ-ያዕቆብ፡ ከም መብዛሕቲና ንግምግሞ፡ ዘርአ-ያዕቆብና እንተኆይኑ፡ ተገልቢጥና ኣይናትናን ኢዩ ንብሎ፡ ከመይ መትከሉ ኮነ ርእይቶ ኮነ ተርእዮ ዓለሙ ፍላይ ኣሎዎ፡ በቲ መዋዕል ደልሃመት፡ ንጉስ ኣምሓራ ባዕሉ እቲ ሱስንዮስ ዚብሉዎ ምስ ኮትለኀ፡ ነውጺ እምነት ምስ ኣሳበበ፡ ወዱ ፋሲሊደስ ነቲ ሃማኖት ኣበው ናብ ነባር ዕሉ ምስ መለሶ፡ ዘርአ-ያዕቆብ ሕሱብ መርኣይቲ ኣስፍሐ፡ ሕልናዊ ናጽነቱ ኣወጀ፡ ኣብቲ ሓተታኡ ይክሰት፡ …………………
    ወልደ-ህይወት ባዕሉ ሓተታኡ ጸሓፈ፡
    ሓደ ፍሩይ ካብ ዘበን ትምኒያታይ (ኢደያሊስት) ብርሃናዊያን ኣብ ዝገርገሩሉ፡ እቲ ፍላስፋ ማተማቲካይ ቪ. ጎ. ላይብኒዝ ተፈጠረ፡ ከም ሊቅ ልሳናት ኣይተለለን፡ ግን ብፍላይ ነቲ ፊደል ግእዝና ኪስርዝ ብዕብራዊ ዲዩ ኪትክኦ ዝሓሰበ፡ ሓሳቡ ንዓርኩ ነቲ ዕሉል መርማር ልሳናት ልማዳት ኣግኣዚያን ዮ. ሉዶልፍ ኣመልከተሉ፡ ካብ ንትውፊትና ኪጽይቕ ነቲ ዝሓለኖ “ኩለንታዊ ምልክት” ጽሕፈት ከመኣዚ ይኀውን! ካብ ጀርመናዊያን ሓሰብቲ፡ ስለ “ፊትምዱብ ስምረት”፡ “ካብ ዝበለጸ ከዋኒ ዓለም እዚ ዓለምና” … ዚብል ኣሎዎ፡ መንጽሩ እወታዊ እሞ ግዱድ እወታዊ ኢዩ
    እዚ ላይብኒዝ ዘይግዋዳእ ኣካል ኢዩ ዚመስል፡ መሳጢ ሕሳባቱ፡ ዋላ ከም ቮልተር ዝበለ መላጸ-እንዶ ከላግጸሉ እንተፈተነ፡ ማተማቲካዊ ምህዞኡ ከኣ በቲ ንውር ኣነነታይ ንዩቶን እንተ ተግዋዕጸጸ፡ ስለ መለሳ ፊደል ዘመልክቶ ከኣ ብክፋእ ኣይመስልን፡ ገጋ ይኅላእ! ኣብዚ ፍካርየ ዚምልከት ዋርሳ ምህሮ ምስ ክስፈታቱ ከም መወናወን ኪውሰድን ንዩቶን ኮነ ቮልተር ንላይብኒዝ ከመይ ከም ዚጉንጹዎ ምፍላጥ ናይ ትጉሃት ነበብቲ ዕማም ኢዩ፡ ኣብ ወገናትና እንታይ ጽልዋ ምዕራብዊያን ብዕሊ ምሕንጻጽ እውን ዕማም ተገደስቲ ይኀውን
    እቲ ስለ “ካተጎሪካዊ ኢምፐራቲቭ” ዝዘነወ፡ ናብ ትግራዊና ኪግልበጥ ብሂሉ ዚጽየቕ፡ ኣገዳሲ፡ መሰረታዊ፡ ሰባዊ ግደታ ዘዕልል፡ ንቁሕ ኣካል ከም ካንት ባዕሉ፡ ካብ ቅድስተ-ቅድሳኑ እንታይ ኢዩ ዝበለ፡ ብኣፍሪቃና ዝመጸሲ፡ ቶባእ! ኣይጸፈፈን ይብሉና፡ መንፈልጥ ሰብ ምዕራብ መሐደስቲ ስነምሳል ኢዮም፡ እምነታዊ ጽላት ምስ ሓማሠሡ፡ ሳይንስ ፈቲሣይ ኣምልኆ ምስ ኣስከሮም፡ ካብ ሰብና ንበልጽ፡ መሃዝቲን ሓሰብቲን እንዲና ኪብሉ ተበደሉ፡ ደጊም እንሀለ፡ እዚ ጽኑዕ ሓሳቢ ኣብቲ ‘ኣስተብህሎ ስለ ስምዒት ምልኩዕን ምዕሩግን’ ዘርእስቱ ተውካሱ ዘመልክቶ መነወር ኣፍሪቃና ይርከቦ፡ ዘንብብ የናድዮ፡ መነወር ኣፍሪቃ ምልላይ ፋይዳ ዶ’ሎዎ
    ካንት፡ ኣማኑአል እናበሉዎ፡ እዚ ኣውራ ሓሳቢ ዘበኑ፡ እቲ ህዩም ካብ ድቃሰይ ዶ ትካሰይ እንቅሓኒ ኪብል ኣይጠቐሞን፡ ህዩም ዚብሉዎ ዶ መንቅሒ ኮይኑ፡ ካንት ነቕሐዶ፡ ኣይፋሉን፡ ቅድሚኡ ድሕሪኡ ይታኀስ ጸንሐ፡ ንምሸቱስ ሓንጎሉ ግዲ ደስከሎ፡ ልኅፈት ዓለትነት ነቶም ጥሉቕ ዚምርምሩ ከኣ’ምበኣር ጎድኦም፡ ንሱ’ውን ስለ ኣፍሪቃስ ከም ሰቡ መቆናጸብ ሓሳብ ያ ተፍአ፡ ኪብሉ መን ይኣምን፡ ዓቢ ክስፈት ኣዳቢ-ፈልሳፊ! ንሱ-ቲ ስሩዕ እዱብ ኪሓስብ ብስጋ ዝዓበረ ካብ ሰሓተ፡ ወረስቱዶ ይሕሡሉ፡ ዝበሎ ዚግደስ የናዲዮ፡ ንኣፍሪቃዊነትና መጎደፍ ካብዚ ሓሊፍና ሕጂ ኣይንጠቅስን፡ ብንዕቐት ኣፍሪቃ ንአውሮጳኡ ኪውድስ ግን ገበን ገበናት!
    ደጊም ኣብ 2ይ ክፍላ 19ይ መዋ. ድክ.፡ ሓደ ዶክ. ለ. ትራቨርሲ ዚብሉዎ፡ ብጻይ ብዓል ኣንቶነሊ፡ ሳሊምበኒ፡ ሰላይ ዲዩ ዲፕሎማት ጣልያን ናብቲ ወገናት ሥዋ-ኣምሓራ ወፈረ፡ ብሥርሒ ዲፕሎማሲ ወይ ፖሊቲካ መነሊክ ሰክሐ ካን ተኀኣለ፡ ከመይ እዚ ንኣና “ደቂ ማኪያቨሊ” ይጻወተልና ዚብል ዓይነት ባህለት ተፍአ፡ ርግጽ ሥዋታይ ንጉስ ደጊም ሃጸይ ኪብሉዎ፡ ከም ኣርሓ ዓውዲ ውግአ ዘይልለ፡ ብጉርሒ ሰናፍ መኣስ ነበረ፡ ነቲ ሓቂ ዘይብሉ ልዕልና ወይ ውሕልነት ዲፕሎማሲ ምዕራባዊያን ዶ ኣየመንመነን፡ ኣናብስ ውፉያት ስሉፋትን ኪነጀው መረብን ተከዘን ሒዙ፡ ሓያል ዕድል ምስ ደገፎ ከኣ ኣብ ዓውዲ ስዩም ዶ ኣየበሎምን ነቶም ጣልያን ምስ አውሮጳኦም፡ ማኪያቨሊ ከንብብ መኣስ ኣድለዮ፡ በዚ መንጽር ደጊም ምሳላት ማኪያቨሊ ምሳላት ተራ ጎራሕ ሰብ ከም ዝኆነ ዲዩ ዚሕብር እሞ ንማኪያቨሊ ካብ ምኩናን ግዲ የናግፈና
    ርግጽ ጆግረፍቲ ዶ ሰብ ሳይንስ ዳህሰስቲ ዚብሉዎም፡ ብስለት ሕልና ዲዩ ልማድ ዘጽንዑ፡ ምስ ግዕዙይ ፍረኖሎጃዊ ጽዕነቶም ምስ ቀዳሕቶም ዚመጹ በጻሕቲና ከም ፈ. ማርቲኒ ዝበሉ ልሉያት ደረስቲን፡ ጋዘጣዊያን፡ ምሁራት ተኅዋሉ ወራርን ነቲ ጽሑፋት ሀገል ወይ ጎቢኖ መሳሊ እንተ ዘይኮነ፡ ነቲ ፍረ-እንዶ ማኪያቨሊ ዚኣኅሎም ኣኮማስዑ፡ እሞኀ ኣብ ኮሎናዊ መዓላኦም ከመይ ኣስለጡ፡ ሰብ ዛንታና ኣይነግሩናን፡ ኪነግሩና ምተገብአ፡ ሠለልታ ዛንታ እንሆ በዚን በቲን ዕላል ለባማትና ከይተረፈ ይጽይቕ፡ እቲ ቃል ሓበሣ ጽዑን ነውሪን ዘይምጡን ሓበንን መታለል መንነትን ትውፊታዊ ምዕባለን ካን ኣብ ዓውዲ መታለልቲ ዚሕፈስ ነኪር ፍረ ኮነና
    እዚ ከም መእቶ ብፍላይ ንአሪትራናን ከባቢናን ዚምልከት ምስ ተናኀፍና፡ ሓደ ንኣፍሪቃ ብምልእታ ዘቑስልን ንኣፍሪቃዊያን ብጅምላ ዘናሡን ምሳላት ተውተናዊነት ዚነዝሕ ጠላዕ ሓሳቢ እሞ ወራሲ ላይብኒዝ ኮነ ካንት ኮነ ሓያሎ ካልኦት፡ ከም ገ. ፍ. ሀገል ዝበለ ምጥቃስ ይተርፈና፡ ንመን መግዋቲ ክንጽውዓሉ ባዕሊና ዶ ክንስሃሎ፡ መን ፈራዲ ከምኡ ተበላጽ፡ ዘይብርሃናዊ፡ ገታር ፈራዲ መን ንግዋናኡ ኣፍሪቃና ኪፈርድ ጸውዖ ዶ ክንብሎ

    ስለ ሓድሓደ ሀገላዊ ሓሳባት
    ገ. ቪ.ፍ. ሀገል ዝግደሰሉ ክፍሊ ዓውዲ፤ ዛንታ ፍልስፍና ምስ ፍልስፍና ዛንታ፡ ሎጂክ፡ መታፊዚክ፡ ፖሊቲክ፡ ስነት (አስተቲክ)፡ ይህሉዎ፡ ጽዕንቶ ዲዩ ጽልዋ ፓርመኒደስ፡ ፕላቶን፡ ኣሪስቶተለስ፡ ስፒኖዛ፡ ሩሶ፡ ወዘተ. እውን በጽሖ፡ ካብዚ ካብቲን ዚድውሶ ሓሳባት ሀገልነት ኪብሉዎ ዲዮም፡ እቶም ብፍረ ሰባዊ እንዶኦም ዝሰኀሩ ሓሰብቲ፡ ዘይለባማት፡ ዘይሶክራትዊያን፡ ናብ ፍልስፍና ዶ ሳይንስ ምስ ወፈሩ ነቲ ከሃልኩሉ ፈጠሪ፡ ደምዩርጎስ ይኁን ናባይ ኣምላኅ ክርስትያን፡ ካን ኪመኅሩዎ ነቲ ምህዞታቱ ከዐርዩሉ ዲዮም ዚሕልኑ፡ ደፋራት ደረቐይናታት! ዓቕሞም ዘይፈልጡ!
    ኣብዚ ታሕታይ ክፍሊ፡ ደጊም ንሀገል. ሓደ ካብኣቶም ብሓድሓደ ሀገላዊ ሓሳባቱ፡ ላዕሊ ላዕሉ ክንምልከት ንፍትን፡ ተገደስቲ ባዕላቶም ሕሱቡ ከናዲዩ፡ ኪረኅቡ ዝሓሠ ኮይኑ፡ ኪምርምሩ እሞ ከንብቡ ነቲ ዘይከሓድ ብስለት ህዝቢን ስልጣነ ኣፍሪቃን ከግህዱዎ፡ ከይተጠራጠሩ ነቲ ሓሳቢ ጀርመንን መሰልቱን ብዕሊ ከለልዩን ዕድመ ኣይመድለየን፡ ግን ይትረፍ ከም ግጉይ ወይ ጽዩፍ ምሳል ፍልስፍና ከም ሕቶ ኣፍሪቃ ስልጡን ወገን ዓለም ዲዩ ምሕታት ንርእሱ ዘባል ሕቶ ምኆነ፡ ኣፍ ዝሃቦ ግን ይዛረብ፡ ምስ በልና ደጊም፡ ንሓደ ሀገል ዚብሉዎ ብማዕዶ ፈልሳፊ ክንምልከት ይገፍሓና፡ ዓቕሚ ኪድርት ከኣ ካልእ ጸገም ይልከም፡ ፈውሱ ትኩር ንባብ ሀገል ዘርከበ ይኣርመልና
    ቅድሚ ኩሉ ከኣ ንዝኆነ ክንፈርድን ሓሳቡ ክንመዝንን ዕሊ ከም ዘድልየና ንሀገል ከኣ መሰሉ ክንሕልወሉ ይግባእ፡ ኣብ ዕሩይ ፍርዲ ክንበጽሕ ደጊም ንዕዮታቱ ኩሉ ብትኩር ክንመዝን እንተዘይ ከኣልና ፍርዲ ኪዘብለና ኢዩ፡ ኩሉ ከነንብቦ ስለዘይ ጠዓመና፡ ስለ ዘይከኣልና፡ ስለ “ፍልስፍና ዛንታ” ብትኩር ስለ ዚምልከተና ከም ዝኆነ ምስ ተመልከትና ብኡ በይኑ ክንኩንኖ ወይ ከነናእሶ ከይንጋገ ምጥንቃቕ ይጠቕመና፡ ኣብዚ ነመልክቶ ብላዕሊ፡ ስኣን ፍልጠት ልሳን ጀርመን፡ ሰኣን ዕልመት ወይ ጽዑቕ መርመራ ፍልስፍና፡ ሰኣን ንጥፈት ንባብ ወይ ጽልኣት ምሳላት ሀገል ሓሳቢ፡ ርእይቶና ኣይመልእን፡ ባዕሊና ካብ ዘንበብናዮ፡ ጥቕሲ እቶም ዘንበቡዎ ኪዛይድ ከኣ ካልኣይ ሕመቕና ይኀውን፡ እሞ ኣብዚ ንባብና ኣይነስግል፡ ዚሓይሥ ንግበር
    ሕቶ ዓቕሚ ሀገልን መርመራኡን ይጽንሓልና፡ መደንጸው ፍላስፋ ጀርመን ሀገል ደኣ ንፕላቶን እንታይ መልአ፡ ብጥቕልሉ እንድዒሉ፡ ብዙሕ ዓጀውታ ግዲ ይህሉዎ፡ ዓጀውታ ዚፈቱን ዓጃው ዚስዕብን ብዙሕ ግዲ ይርከበና፡ ጽልዋኡ ገፊሕ ኢዩ ሀገል፡ ጽንኩር ሓሳቡ ጽሑፉ ክነሱ ከመይ ተረዲኦም ደኣ ሰዓቡዎ፡ እቲ ንውሒ ጽሑፉ ምስቲ ከም ፅቡጥ ሓቂ ናብ ዕዳጋ ዘውርዶ ሓጀት እንዶኡ ከጋግዮ ወዝቢ ኢዩ፡ ጽዕንቶኡ ብኣሉታዊ ገጹ ዝኀበዶም ብዙሓት ኢዮም፡ እቲ እውራነቱ ከስ ምስ ደማዕነቱ ኪድብለቕ የብሉን
    ንሕና’ባ ብትኩር ተመሊስና ክንሓትት ንርእሲና፡ ስለ ምዕራባዊ ሓሳቢ ስለዚ ብዘይናትና ፍልስፍና ከንዕልል እንታይ ይጠቅመና፡ ናትና ገዲፍና! ብፍላይ ናይቲ ዘየገድሰና ዚመስል ፍላስፋ መቖንጸባ ……. ሀገል ዚብሉዎ፡ እንታይ ፋዕራ ነበረና ወይ ኣሎና፡ እዚ ሕልፊ ኩሎም እቶም ፍላሳፋ ደቂ ወገኑ ዚጻረረና፡ ኣንቱም ኣፍሪቃ (ንኣና ኣጽራር ተበለጽቲ ኣፍሪቃ ደቡብ ሰሃራ ዚብሉና) ዲዩ ዛንታ’ብልኩም ስልጣነ እንዶ ወይ ልቢ ወይ ስልጡን ዕሊ‘ብልኩም… ጸረፈና፡ ንዝተጻረፈና፡ ተመሊስና ጋሕማጥ ጽሑፋቱ፡ ከነንብበሉ እንተ ሓሰብና፡ ንባቡ ኣይሓጸረን፡ ክንደይ ጉሕ ኢዮም ዚመልኡሉ፡ ኣንቱም ሰባት፡ መኣስን መኣስን ሓንጠጦ፡ ህርኩት ኪመስል ክንደዩ ይጸሪ፡ ክንደዩ ህውተታ እንዶ፡ ክንደዩ ዓዘራ ሓሳብ፡ ዓዘራ ዘረባ፡ ክንደዩ መርገም መዘዛቱ ፈልፈለ
    ካብ ብዓል ላይብኒዝ፡ ካንት፡ ካልኦት ቀረባኡ ምስ ቀረመ፡ ንሱ ዝጸለዎም፡ ዚርድኡዎን ዘይርድኡዎን ይኆኑ፡ ሰራዊት ዶ ኣይኣኀሉን፡ እዚ ሀገል ነጠባ ወይ ትፍኣት ፍልስፍና ኣይፍለዮን፡ ፍስፍና ኣብ ዛንታኡ ኪስክዋዕ፡ ኪርበብ ኣሎዎ በሃላይ ከይከውን፡ ከምዚ እንተኆይኑስ ሰናይ፡ ግን ነቲ ዕሊ ፕላቶን ንኣብነት ይነጽግ፡ በቲ ውሩይ መውጽኣፉ ደጊም ን ደካርት (ካርተዝዮስ)፤ እሓስብ እሞ ሃለኁ፡ ኪብሎ፡ ትርጉም ከም ዘይብሉ ዲዩ ዚርእዮ፡ ኣይቅበሎን፡ እቲ ሓሳብ ፍላስፋ ከኣ ኣብ ዛንታ እንዶ ምስ ሱግሙ ኣሎ ይብል ሀገል፡ ነዚ ተበላጽ ናርሲስታዊ-ዘይታሪኃዊ-ትማሊ-ዝሰልጠነ ነምሳዊ ዲዩ ተውቶናዊ እቲ ፍንፉን ወራሲ ወለዶኡ ብዘይምስልጣኑ ኮራዒ ከም ሂትለር ሲ ኣክስዮም “ኣብ ኣብሱርዶ” ቢልናዶ ንሀገልነቱ ብጥቕሉሉ ክንጉሕፍ፡ ኣፍሪቃ መሰረት ኩሉ ስልጠነ ዘናእስ እንታይ ንበሎ፡ ፍልስፍና ምስ ዛንታ ዚጠምር ከኣ እዚ እንዶ ኢዩ፡ ‘ናጽነት እንኮ ሓቂ መንፈስ ኢዩ’፡ ዛንታ ዓለም ካልእ ዘይኮነ፡ ምዕባለ ሓሳብ ናጽነት ኢዩ ……. በለ እምበር ከመይ ይፍክሮ (ይገልጾ) ከምሓስቡ! ሰበኅቲ ሰሚዑ ዲዩ ንኣፍሪቃ ዘናእስ፡ ዚ ሀገል ሀገላይ
    ኩሉ ኣብ ዓለም ዚኀውን ምስ ዛንታኡ ሱግሚ ከም ምዕባለ መንፈስ የመልክት፡ ኣብ ምድረኃት ዛንታ ናብ ርእሰ ቀልቢነትን ፍልስፍናን ዲዩ ዚብለና፡ ጋይስት ዚብሎ ብእንዶ ወይ እምሮ ወይ መንፈስ ምተርጎምናዮ እሞ እዚ እንዶ ረቂቕ ኩረት-ሰረት ህልውና ወይ ህልው-ነባሪ ኢዩ፡ እዚ ኣካውና ምስ ተብጽሐ ኩሉ ዝሃሎ ምስ ርእሱ ይሰምር፡ ናይ ኩሉ? ርእሰቀልቢነት “እቲ ፍጹም” ሰመዮ፡ በ, ክሮቸ፡ ሓደ ካብ ጥሙታት ቀጻሊ ወራሲ መርማሪ ሀገልነት፡ ኪምስል፤ ወከፍ ሓቂ ዛንታ ዘመናዊ ዛንታ ኢዩ፡ በለ፡ ስልቲ ዕዮ ዛንታ ከዛርብ ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ፡ አቲ ወንዛፊቱ ኢዩ ነግራም!
    ባዕሉ ሀገል እዚ ዓይነት ምሁዝ ተርእዮኡ ምስ ክርስትያን እምነት ኣዛመዶ፡ ገለ ሰዓብቱ ግን ኣበር ፓንተይዝም ኣውጽኡሉ፡ ወይ እምነት እንበለ ኣምላክ ኢዩ፡ በሉዎ፡ ነቲ ሱርነቓል ሓሳብ ሀገል ከኣ እቲ ካ. ማርክስ ገፈጦ፡ ወረሶ፡ እቲ ዳርዊን እውን ጊደኡ ቀሰመሉ፡ ይብሉ ዝያዳና ዘንበቡዎ፡ ገሊኡ ውሩስ ሓሳባቱ በዚ መዋዕል 20-21 ውሩስ ኪኀውን፡ እንታይ ሓዲስ ወከፈ ምባልና ከጋጊ ይኅእል፡ ንሱ ተላም ምሳል ስልቲ ስለ ዝኆነ፡ ኣብ ሚእቲ ዓመት፡ ክሮቸ ከም ዚምንጽሮ ከኣ “ዘሎን ዝሞተን” ሓሳባት ይፈልየሉ፡ ምዕራባዊያን ነቲ መናሠው ጽሑፋቱ ከም ዝበሎ ኪኀየድ ዲዮም ስለ ኣፍሪቃ ዝፈልሰፎ ከም ኣርእስቲ እኁል ኣይወስዱዎን ግዲ፡ ንሳቶም ብወገን ወጋኢ ስሉፋት ኢዮም
    ሀገል ገድለ-ኢየሱስ ከኣዶ ጸሓፈ፡ ምስ ሶክራተስ የዳርጎ፡ ክርስቶስ ድፉን፡ ጸቢብ-አንዶዊ ኢዩ ይብል፡ መደቡ ንክርስትና ከሐድስ ዶ ነበረ፡ ብወለዶኡ፡ እቲ ፍልስፍና ብዓል ፕላቶን ብዋሕዚ ኢደያሊስም … ካልእ ብጅልጃል ሓሳብ ጋንታ ሓሰብቲ ምስ ተረፈ፡ መታፊሲካዊ ነገራት ኣብ ቅያር መጽናዕቲ መዋዕሉ ከዳውስ ከመይ ኪጥዕሞ፡ ነኣዲ ፕላቶን እውን እንተኆነ፡ ኣብ 19ይ መዋዕሉ ፕላቶናዊ ኪኀውን ኣይከኣልን በለ፡ ፕላቶናዊነት ምስ ፕላነቶፖሊሱ ነቲ ሀገል ዚብሉዎ፡ ጅብሩቕ እቲ ፍልስፍናኡ፡ ኣይኣኀሎን፡ ግን እንታይ ኪውስኀሉ ኢዩ ንሱ ጽያፉ ዘይከተተ፡ ኣፍሪቃዊ ዕሠል ኢዩ ግሪኃዊ በጽሒ ዝበለ፡ ኣፉ ዘየጽረየ እንዶዊ ፍረታቱ ዘጋሕመጠ እክዋ ዘይእርነበ፡ ብዝተፍኦ ፍድፉድን ዘይግሉዕ? ተረፈ፡ ምጥቃስ ምንካይ ግዲ ይሕሠና
    እቲ ዓውዲ ሕሱብ ኣመና ተቐየረ፡ በሃላይ ኢዩ ሀገል፡ ዛንታ ዓለም እንዶዊ እርነባ ኣሎዎ፡ መረድእ መፍትሕ እርነባኡ ከኣ ሕጊ ቅያር ወይ ዲያለክቲክ ኢዩ፡ ወከፍ ዛንታዊ መድረኅ ደጊም መድረኅ ምዕባለ ናጻ እንዶ ኢዩ፡ ………. ሓደ ህዝቢ ኣብ ስልጣነ ምስ በጽሐ ንርአሱ ይድርት ወይ ዚቕይዶ ትካል ኣደብ ስርዓት ይሕንጽጽ፡ ተደራቲ ንሱ ብዝመሃዞ ሃይማኖት ሕሱር፡ ሰሓቲ ኣብ ፊት ከሃልኩሉ፡ ፍጹም ኣካል፡ ፈላጥ-ኩሉ ኪደንን ኩሉ እቲ ዝበለጸ ባህርይን መፈለጣን ይዕድሎ!
    ናቱ ንሃቦ ንሀገል፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣበራቱ ዘይናቱ ኣይንደርቦ፡ ነገር ኣብ ኢድና ኪጽየቐና እዚ ሓደጋ ዘባል ፍርዲ ጎፍታ ይኀውን፡ ሓደ ግሁድ ዚመስል ሰናይ ንብሎ ኣስትብህሎ ኣይሰኣኖን፡ እቶም ኣጸቢቖም ዝመርመሩ ዘለለዩዎ፡ ሕልፍ-ሕልፍ ሰውሒ ኣጻምእ ግዲ ኣይስእሉዎን፡ ስለ “እምሮ መዋዕል” እቲ ብልሳኑ “ዛይትጋይስት” ኣገዳሲ መንጽር ኣሎዎ፡ ሓደ ጥሙት ብዓል ተውህቦ፡ ጥበብ ኪቐልት፡ ዕዉት ነገር ከፍሪ ዚኅእል ኣብ ጠረር ሞገድ እዋን ኢዩ፡ በቶቨን ዘስመሮ ሙዚቃ ኣብ ካልእ ዘበን ፍጹም ኣይምፈረን በሃላይ ኢዩ፡ ርግጽ እዚ ባህለቱ ወይ መትከሉ እወታዊ ገጻት ኣሎዎ
    ሓደ ተውካስ ጸሓፍካ፡ ኣምላኅ-ኣልቦ ኢኃ ተባሂሉ ካብ መንበር ኣስተምህሮ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ዝነጸለ ኣይተበደለን፡ ሀገል ሳላ መለሳ ዘበናት ካብ ክሲ ደሓነ እምበር ብካልእ እዋንን ኩነትን ብዘይ ጽላል ገለ ብዓል ስልጣን፡ ጽረ ክርስትና ጸሓፈ ተባሂሉ አኆነነ ግዲ፡ ወይ ንክርስቶስ ምስ ሶክራተስ ከዳርግ ኣይምተፈቐደሉን ግዲ
    ግን ነቲ ጉራን ጃህራን ዘይፍለዮ ደስፑታ ጣልያን ሙሶሊኒ ክንጠቅስ ነውሪ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ንሱ ንከባቢ እንግሊዝ ምስ ጀርመኖም ከናሡን፡ ናይ ጥንቱ፡ ምዕባለ ጥልያኑ-ሮሙ ኣላቲሙ፡ ኪዝክርን፡ ዓዲ ደረስቲ፡ ገጠምቲ፡ ቅዱሳት፡ ፈልሰፍቲ፡ ሃነጽቲ፡ ሰኣልቲ፡ … ኢና፡ ዚብል ዓይነት ገታር ምክሓ ይህሉዎ፡ ንሱ ሓርኢ እኅሊ እውን እንተኆነ፡ ዳንተ ሳልሳይ ርእሱ ምስ ፐትራርካን ቦካቺዮን ዓንተቦ እቲ አውሮጳ ዚብሉዎ ኣብ ዳርጋ ደልሃመቱ ዓንበበ፡ እቲ “እንዶ እዋን” ወይ እምሮ መዋዕል ጣልያን ካብቲ ጀርመናዊ ብክንደይ ሚእቲ ዓመት ቀደመ፡ እንተቐደመ ሀገል ከም አውሮጳዊ ትውፊት ኪቖጽሮን ብኡ’ውን ንኣፍሪቃና ኪብለጸሉ ኪፍትን ኢዩ?
    በቲ ኣ-ፕሪዮሪ ዓይነት ኣራእያ ዘበኑ ኪንህር፡ ንዘይወገኑ ብናቱ ምሁዝ መስፈራት ንካልኦት መሰልቱ ንዘይ ወገኑ ዘየለለዮ ህዝቢ ኣፍሪቃ ኪፈርድ፡ ኣብ ደልሃመት ከጥሕሎ መን ፈቐደሉ፡ ብኡ ኪብቆጽ መን ኪጸድፍ ደፍኦ፡ ምስ ተወንፀፈ ዲዩ ርሑቕ ዝሃውተተ፡ ካብ ዝሃውተቶ መልሲ ዝሓርበቶ፡ ሀገል፡ ዚሕሰብ ነገር ምስ ዘበኑ ኣብ ዘበኑ ምስ ዚምንጸር ኢዩ ትርጉም ዚህሉዎ፡ በዚ ሓደ ፍሉይ ‘ዛንታነት’ ወይ መድረኅ ዛንታ ንፍልስፍና ለከመ ሀገላይ፡ ክቱር ጽኑዕ መርማሪ ካ. ፖፐር ደጊም ነዚ ገጽ ስነምሳል (ቲዮሪ) ሀገል ኣበር የውጽኣሉ፡ ‘ክፉት ማሕበርን መጻብእቱን’ ዚብል ፍሉጥ ሓተታኡ ኮነ ’ንድየት ዛንታነት’ ከም ፍሉይ ዛዕባ ወሲዱ ዘመልክቶ ኣሎዎ፡ ነቲ ‘ብዘይ ቅንዕና’ እንዶ ዚነጉድን ግዙፍ ጠባር ቃል አዝኒ ዘጽምምን ሀገልነታት እውን ይዋከሰሉ፡ ሰብና ከም ኣንበቦ እሞ ባዕሉ ከም ኣመሮ!
    ሀገል ‘ፍልስፍና ዛንታ’ ቢሉ ዘቐብሎ መንጽራት መደብን መድረኅን መዓርግን ዚፈልየሉ ይመስል፡ ፈለማ ነቲ ዘሰክሕ ጽንኩርነት ሓረግ ሓሳብ ሀገል ከነምልክት ይጠቅም፡ ን ፖፐር ብሓዲስ ንጠቅስ፤ … ስለ ደሃይን ዋዒን ኣልዒሉ ሀገል ሃለውለው ኪብል ፖፐር ባዕሉ ጀርመናዊ ልሳን-እሙ ክትርጉሞ ጽዒሩ ብገዛእ ትርጉሙዶ ተሓጎሰ (ነባቢ ነቲ ቅድም ዝጠቐስናዮ መጽሓፍ ፖፐር 2ይ ምቃሉ ገጽ 28 ይገንጽለልና) ኣብዚ ዘይዓቕሚና ክንመናጽር ደውሣ ከይኮነና፡ ተጋጊና ሰብ ከነጋጊ
    “ፍልስፍልና ዛንታ” (ብራን ዶቨር ገጽ 99 ተመ.) ክንጠቅሰሉ፤ ‘’ኣብዚ በጺሕና ንኣፍሪቃ ንርሕርሕ፡ ደጊም ከይንጠቕሳ፡ ከመይሲ ዛንታዊት ክፍሊ ዓለም ኣይኮነትን፡ ዋላክዋ ግስገሳ የብላን ወይ ትሰጥሖ ምዕባለ፡ ዛንታዊ ግስገሳታት ኣብኣ፡ (ኣሎ) ምባል፡ ኣብ ሰምየናዊ ክፍሊ ንእስያዊ ወይ አውሮጳዊ ዓለም ይብጽሖ፡ ካርታጀና ሓደ ኣውራ መሳገር ሞገድ ስልጣነ ኣርኣየት፡ ግን …. ንእስያ ትብጽሓ፡ ግብጺ ኣብ መንጽር መሳገር እንዶ ሰብ ካብ ሞገድ ምብራቕ ናብ ምዕራብ ኪትምልከት ኢያ፡ ግን ንኣፍሪቃዊ መንፈስ ኣይትብጽሖን፡ እቲ ብዕሊ ከም ኣፍሪቃ ንርድኦ፡ አቲ ዘይዛንታዊ ኢዩ፡ ዛጊት ኣብ ዘይምዕቡል መንፈስ፡ ኣብ ዕሩቕ ባህርይ
    ሀገል ምእንቲ ርእሱ፡ ወዮ ዓንተቦ ማኒ (3ይ መዋ. ድክ.) ዘመልከቶ ምዕረያ መንግስታት ሮም፡ ኣግኣዚ፡ ፋርስ፡ ቺና? ረስዐ፡ ወይ ወረ ኣይነበሮን፡ ሕቱት (ተዚስ) ጽረሕቱት (ኣንቲተዚስ) ሓበራሕቱት (ሲንተዚስ) ኪጻወት ዲዩ ዘወገኖ፡ እዚ ዓይነት ገበጣ ሲሎጂስሙ ዲዩ ዝዓዘሮ፡ ኮን-ዶ-ኆን ዶ ኣይበለን፡ ኣንቱም ሰባት፡ ከም ነቢይ ሓቂታት ሓናጸጸ፡ ዝሓናጸጾ መጻሕፍቱ ኣብ ጉሕን ክብሒን ረበቦ፡ ወይ ሰብ ብእንዶ ኪህውትት ከሎ ዘምጽኦ ሰበብ፡ ብእንኮ ቃል ጽላት፤ ኣይሁድ ቆራዲድ ነጥፍእ ዚብል ኣፍ፡ መዚ ዝመንጠለ፡ ዶችላን ኡበር ኣለስ! ዲዩ ዝበለ፡ መጥፍእ ምድሪ ለኣኀልና ንሂትለር ኣብ ቀማድ መዓላ ዛንታ እምበር መኣስ ኣብ ዓውዲ ፍልስፍና ዛንታ፡ ዽሕሪ እቲ ዝለዓለ መድረኅ ፕሩስያዊ ስርዓቱ፡ ከም ሥንቲ ብዕራይ! ምባል ኣይእሩምን
    … “ሰመናዊ ክፍሊ (ኣፍሪቃ) ንእስያዊ ወይ አውሮጳዊ ዓለም ይብጽሖ”… ይብል፡ ኣይፋሉን ንብሎ፡ ከም መዲተራናዊ ክፍሊ ምዕባለ ኪውሰድ ደኣ ይቐርቦ፡ ከመይሲ፡ ብዘበን ካርታጀና ኣፍሪቃዊት፡ ፈኒቃዊት፡ ሮማዊት ትኁን፡ እቲ ሰመናዊ ክፍላት አውሮጳኡ? ብፍላይ እቲ ተውቶናዊ ወገናቱ ምሰየናይ ምዕባለ ተቖጸረ፡ ንሓቶ፡ ዑነት ቀሳራዊት ዝጋሕመጠት ሮም ዝተማልአ ባርባራዊ ነገድ-ኣንጋዱ ከም ዝነበረ፡ ብቆልዑና ኣብ አሪትራዊ ቁሠትና መባእታ ዛንታ ኢጣልያ ክንመሃር ኣንቢብናዮ፡ ወገን ሀገል ከስ ኣብ ዲቕ ዝበለ ጸላም ምዕባለ ዲዩ ጠገለ ውዱቕ ነበረ፡ ንርእሱ ዚዕድሎ ኣብቲ ኣገዳሲ ምድረኅ ዛንታ ዚሰቕሎ ኣይነበሮን!
    ገለና ሕሉፋት ስሉጣት ኣመንቲ ሃይማኖት፡ ፍልስፍና፡ ሳይንስ፡ ምዕቡል ንብሎ ትውፊት ንኀውን፡ ምበልኩ፡ ከይትዕንቀፉለይ፡ ከየጋግየኩም ሕጂ ኣመና እናፈራህኩ፡ ካብ ዝሰለጡን ዝነጠፉን ኣመንቲ ሳይንስ ሎሚ ከኣ ክንዲ ሃይማኖቶም ሳይንሶም ከም ጽላት ግዲ ተኀሉ፡ መተክእ ዕኑው ሃማኖቶም፡ ካብ ስሉጣት ዝሰለጡ ኣመንቲ ፍልስፍና፡ ሳይንስ ከኣ ጀርመን ኢዮም ምበልኩ፡ ግን ከይጸድፍ እፈርህ፡ እወ ፈለማ ጀርመን ሓቂ ከም ኣነ ግዋናኦም ዘምስሎም ዲዮም፡ መንፈልጥ ወይ ብዘይ ጥርጥር ኣብዚ ሓሳብ እጋገ ኣለኁ፡ ግን እስከ ከምኡ ይኁነልካ በሉኒ፡ ሀገል ነቲ ስነምሳሉ ካበይ ከም ዝኣረዮ ክንገልህ፡ እዚ ላህመታዊ መገልጽ ኢዩ እንተኆነ ትብሉ፡ እንሀ ፈረስ እንሀ ጎልጎል ኣይብለኩምን፡ ብሓንሳእ ብገለ ገጹ መትሓዚ ከነናድየሉ ስዓቡ፡ ዝዓበኁም ዝነኣስኩም ተድልዩኒ ኢኁም፡ ተጠሊዐ ኣነ ካብ ሀገል እበልጽ ከይወጻኒ፡ ሓልዉ
    እምበኣር ሀገል ወናም፡ ፈታው፡ ውፉይ፡ ስሉጥ ፍልስፍና ኢዩ፡ ስለዝኆነ፡ በቲ ነኪር ጀርመናዊ-አውሮጳዊ ኣክስዮሙ ይስልበጠኒ፡ በቲ ተውቶናዊ ፖስቱላቱ ከኣ የዳግመኒ ግዲ፡ ርግጽ ከም ትፈልጡ ደጊም ኣክስዮም ኮነ ፖስቱላት ፍካረየ ከም መግለጽ ኣየድልዮን፡ ግሉጽን ግሁድን ንዝኆነ ቀልቢ ተገላሂን ስለዝኆነ ኢና ንብል፡ እቶም ገለ ማተማቲካዊ ምህሮ ዝቐሰምና፡ ሀገል ሰናፍ ጠኒና መኣስ ኮይኑ፡ ምስ ኣምጽአ ንብዓል ማርክስ ዝፈረየ እክዋ ንሱ ኢዩ፡ ምዑት ብፍልስፍና ዛንታ፡ ከምቲ ግብጺ ዘይብጽሓካ ኣፍሪቃዊ ንስኃ፡ ኣፍንፃይ ተሪር ይጽብቕ ካብ ናትና ይብለኒ፡ በዚ ኣነ ኣክስዮም በለጽ ዝብሎ ኣቢሉ፡ ሀገል ይህንደድ እሞ ይወፍር፡ ናብ ፍልስፍና ዛንታኡ ይውንፀፍ፡ ከም ዝዓበደ፡ ዝደንቆረ አረ በስም-ኣም! በል፡ ተለመን፡ ዓዘራ ዘረባ ይትረፍካ ዚብሎ ኣይሰምዐን፡ ሰባብ ግዲ ኢዩ፡ ናብ “መወዳእታ መፍትሒ” ግዲ ኢዩ ዚጥምት፡ እቲ ብልጺነታት ኪረብብ ዝወፈረ መዋዕሉ፡ ክንደይ ነፍሳት ኢዩ ኪቐምድ
    ኣነ ተበላጽ ኢኃ እብሎ፡ ክልተ ገበንካ እብሎ ኣነ፡ ካብኡ ዝወጠምኩ ደፍናዕ ኣፍንፃይ፡ ተዚስ ካብኡ ኣንቲተዚስ ካብኡ ሲንተዚስ እንተበልካ እክዋ ንኣይ ኣይተፍርሃኒን ኢኃ፡ ክልተ ገበንካ ክረበልካ ተመልከት፤ ፈለማ ተሪር ካብ ደፍናዕ መን ኣብለጾ ዘይ ባዕሊኃ ንስኃ፡ ስራሕ-ፀነቕ፡ መንከ ኣመዓራርዮ በለካ፡ ኣንጻር ዲዩ ተመሳሳሊ ደፍናዕን ተሪርን፡ ነጠባ ነጠባታት፡ ዝበለጸን ዝጸበቐን ዝሰልጠነን ካብ ዛንታኡ ነቒልካ ንርእሲኃ ትዕድል ከኣ ንስኃ፡ ጉዳም ሃንዳፍ! ክልተ ገበንካ ዝበልኩኃ ክንደይ ገበንካ ፈቐድካ፡ እበላካ ሕጂ ተመሊሰ፡ ጥንቅልዒት ሞገተ ካብ ኣፍተውልካ …
    ብከምዚ ዝንባለ ሕልና ወይ እንዶ ስኑዕ በለጽ፡ ዘባል ኦፕቲክ ግዲ ኢዩ ዝተጋገ፡ ሀገል ምስ ነገዱ፡ ድሕሪ ኩሉ ናብቲ ሰብ ስልጣነ ዶ ምዕባለ ዚብሎ ምስ ኣርከበ፡ ሎሚ ደጊም ነገደይ ኣብ ጠረር ምዕባለ ዛንታ ይርከብ፡ ይብል፡ ዓይኑ ዓሚቱ ኣነ እስልጥን ዛንታይ ተመልከት፡ ፕሩሲያዊ ስርዓተይ መርምር ዶ ይብል፡ ነቲ ተላም ስነኪደት (አቮሉሥን) ዝጠንተወ እሞ ሕልፊ ኩሉ ዝበሰለ ዶ ክብል፡ ንህዝቢ ኣፍሪቃ ኪብለጸሉ ይፍትን፡ ዛንታ ዘይብልካ ይብሎ ንሱ ኪደርቕ፡ ኩሉ እቲ ፈልሳፈ-ተራኂ ስነምሳሉ ሓንሳዕ ምስ ብዓል ማርክስ ዶ ቺርከጎርድ ዶ ክሮቸ … ቦኆኅ ምስ በለ፡ ኣህዛብ ኣድመየ፡ በዚ ፍልስፍናኡ፡ ኣካ ከሰፈ ኣክሰፈ፡ ወዮ ምሳሉ ዲዩ ስነምሳሉ ካን ናውቲ ዝዓበዱ ዓለታዊያን ሂትላራዊያን ኮነ፡ ኣበይ ደኣ ኣሎ እቲ ብልጸቱ፡ ፕሩስያዊ ስርዓቱ፡ ተሪኅነቱ ምስ ዛንታነቱ ሓነው ዶ በለ፡ ኣበይ እሞ ተመሊሱ ፍረ ስነምሳሉ ኪርኢ ተዓደለ ሀገል

    ብሂል ሱራዊ ሀገላዊ ቃልን ሓሳብን Hegelian basic word definition & concept
    ሀገልነት Hegelianism ድምር ምሳላት፡ መትከላት ሀገል
    ሕስበት ዚሕሰብ ነገር እቲ ፍረ እንዶ idea / ስነምሳል theory
    መንፈስ / እንዶ (ጋይስት) spirit ከም “ሰረት ህልውና” ዲዩ ዝፍክሮ
    ስነቀልቢ / ምህሮ ተቐልባዊ! phenomenology
    ቀልቢነት፡ ርእሰ ፍልጠት consciousness
    ቶታሊታርያዊ / ክቱር-ጠማሪ totalitarian
    ናጽነት ኣብ ዛንታ freedom
    ኢደያሊዝም ትምኒትነት? idealism
    እምሮ understandings
    እንዶ spirit? ኣብዚ፡ ትርጉም ቃላት/ሓሳባት ፍላስፋታት ጀርመን ከም ውዱእ ኣይንሰዶ
    ኣእምሮ reason
    ክርስትና Christianity ክርስቶስ ዝዘነዎ ሃይማኖት
    ዛንታ history ሀገል ብፍላይ፤
    ዲያለክቲክ dialectic ከም ተራ ስልቲ ሞገተ ኪእመር የብሉን
    ፍጽምና (ኣብሶሉት) ወይ ፍጹም መንፈስ absolute

    • Hayat Adem

      Moderator,
      What is this- 7 pages in a supposedly interactive window designated for feedback comments?

    • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

      the translation is excellent

  • haile

    Awatista

    I think this message to IA goes with the above article rather well 🙂

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=sLcySKx63vw

    cheers

    • yegermal

      Wow! My favorite remake of Yemane Barya song and best speech by Elsina which she first read at the EYSC DC conference. Thank you haile!

  • debarwatay

    What was going within the regime is nothing more than a fight between bandits. Though, we have a tendancy to take as “good guys” those who lost the fight. I have no slight doubt that whoever continues the reign of the regime after their inner fight, is just another authoritarian regime; may be of a different hue and music. A real change comes when the fight is with the graass root people and the people comes out triumphant. That is what is called SEWRA. All other scrimishes are POWER struggles withing the existing regime. To this moment, PIA seem to be the champion year in and year out. But, PIA is also the consolidator of the state so far; as we do not know what follows out of the other alternatives. The chronicle is OK but it does not cover the whole picture of what the people had gone through to bring about a change in Eritrea. When we say peopel, it must inluce every thing Eritrea has as its human resource : the Regime, the Army, the oppressed citizens, refugess, the Diaspora, opposition movements inside and outside the country; etc. So far you took an item (Regime) and chronicled its events. What about the other elements?

  • haile

    Awate Team

    I salute you for this incredible piece of presentation that is a very fitting tribute for September 18th, the commemorative day of Eritrea’s black day.

    Isaias Afwerki, the mastermind behind the greatest crime against the young nation Eritrea that he helped to free, will go down in history a villain and a murderer.

    Your compilation of the events surrounding the sordid acts of the dictator benefits from the following attributes:

    1 – Dispassionate and factual

    2 – Balanced and all rounded

    3 – Timely and ably presentation

    I second Dawit Moconenn’s idea of giving this information the widest distribution as possible, with the required translations and flexible mediums as audio/video, text and other interactive ways.

    Thank you

    May God/Allah be with those who have been disappeared on that fateful day!

    • Tamrat Tamrat

      Haile, timely, are you kidding!

  • yegermal

    Dear Awate Team, I consider this article one of your biggest contributions to the struggle for justice. I soaked in it when you released it in 2002 and am doing the same today. Thank you!

    In as much as I find their disappearance and unlawful imprisonment extremely cruel, at times I can’t help but think they couldn’t handle their dissension properly because kharma was as play. Members of the G15 (and many other DIA’s enablers) were instrumental to DIA’s monopoly of power during the 30yr struggle and continued to empower him for the first 10 years of independence. Unfortunately, kharma has a way of holding us accountable for our past deeds.

    The great German pastor Martin Niemölle vocalized this very point in his famous quotation:

    “First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out–
    Because I was not a Socialist.
    Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out–
    Because I was not a Trade Unionist.
    Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out–
    Because I was not a Jew.
    Then they came for me–and there was no one left to speak for me. ”
    http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007391

    The G15 experience is a lesson all of us (especially those that are still shamelessly supporting DIA the exterminator) should keep in mind when we are faced with a choice to whether or not stand up against gross violation of basic human rights.

  • Awate Team,

    This is a chronoloy that seems to me need to be developed into a booklet and be distributed freely everywhere including in Eritrea as a means of exposing the devil in priest-clothing.

    Before it is packaged however, I like to suggest that the actors, the Military Generals, Public Officials, News-Paper Editors etc., who miraculously escaped the tentacles of the demon, be given chance to add to it more of their bitter experience.

    Why am I so thrilled by the chronology?

    Many well-meanning Eritreans tried to explain the destructive behavior if Isaias Afewerqi against our country as Moaist dictator,or as overzealous and over-protective Eritrean.

    They were wrong. Instead of assessing objectively the whole context surrounding him,including his tigrai lineage, wanton killing of Eritrean elites, his launching illegal and unnecessary war with Ethiopia etc., they fell victim to simple perceptual phenomenan, such as his training in Communist China, his usage of Communist jargon etc., and his con-artistry in hidding his evil intention through euphemisms and evasions.

    Please read below, I just copied and pasted it from the Chronoloy; you will see his motive, Tigrai, in Black and White. You cannot find more crystally luminous evidences than these. Isaias Afewerqi is indeed through and through under cover enemy. Wedi Giorgio, Tesfankiel is vendicated.

    Read————->”…. 7) Ethiopia: the only country that we trusted was Ethiopia in spite of the knowledge of every cadre in the organization and its leadership that the TPLF had evil plans which it demonstrated in the eighties in an undisputed manner…………….”

    “… When the president said, “we are thinking beyond what is called the border” and Ctwe are ready to found a confederation with Ethiopia” he did “not represent the thinking of the organization’s cadres or the feelings of the Eritrean people who could not forget the wounds of the past just because an ethnic minority which congratulated Eritrean independence, not because it could change the developments on the ground but because it would have been the first loser of opposing Eritrea’s independence, has come to power in Ethiopia………………………”

    On Ignoring The Warning Signs from Ethiopia:

    Issues such as claiming the ownership of “Badime” and “Bada” are nothing new. These claims started in the eighties although there was an intentional negligence from our side, for which we do not know the reasons…………….”

    Moreover, the Ethiopians were unilaterally demarcating the places and creeping gradually towards the Gash River, probably to materialize the ancient map of old Tigray known as “Mereb- Milash”.

    Since 1994, the administrations of the Gash Barka region as well as our consulate in Mekele were sending reports notifying of developments concerning this issue. These reports were, however, neglected with contempt by the concerned government authorities in Eritrea and were viewed as the result of unjustified emotions.

    The activities of changing the marks across the border by the Tigrayan militias were described as being the deeds of some fanatics in the Zonal Administration and were not adopted by the TPLF, which was taken as a strategic friend, as an organization.

    In 1997 there came a new development as all the Eritrean inhabitants were deported from Badime in an organized manner. This incident was pictured by the Eritrean Television which also conducted some interviews with the deportees but the program was prohibited from being broadcast. The village of Adi-Murug in the Bada area was also occupied in about the same time…..”

    • welde

      Dawit M,

      The behaviour and action of Isays towards Eritrea, is related to his Tigrai lineage is a false and very weak argument, that could open a Pandora-box. It is sad to read nowadays from Eritreans who oppose Isayas’ rule to question his Eritrean credential.
      The fact that Isayas has given his whole life to the cause of Eritrea is enough credential, at least more than those who question his Eritrean identity from faraway.

      What if Isays has a Tigray lineage? What is the problem? Are you going to ask everyone, if they have a Tigrai lineage? Where and when are you going to stop this line of questioning? The people of Eritrea and Ethiopia have been living as neighbours and possible to be related by blood. Why are you surprised at that?

      The mere fact he, PIA, chose to fight for the independent of Eritrea is enough assurance as to where his hearts belong.
      If you have a suggestion as how Eritrea can move forward, please bring it on, otherwise name calling and counting bloodline is a weak argument.

      • Welde,

        It is not the Isaias Afewerqi-Tigrai-lineage per se that I am working hard for the people of Eritrea to understand. I know the history of my country too well to insist on purity.

        I have no grudge with any Eritrean with lineage from anywhere as long as he/she is proud to be Eritrean, not only in words but also in deeds; not only in peace time but also in time of national adversity etc.

        What I will never accept is he/she who, hidding behind evasions and euphemisms and wearing Eritrean National flag, serves the interest of his parent’s country. This precisely what Isaias Afewerqi has been doing to my country and people. Do not take my words for it, read the Chronology.

        Genuine Eritreans,

        I was one of those who were supporting Isaias Afewerqi. My rude awakening came when I visited Eritrea in 2011. It was then that I discovered the existence of two Eritreas:

        One, the real, bed-ridden, malnourished, frightened, silenced, etc.

        the 2nd, the fake, nonexitent that only dwells within the tubes of the EriTv, attired in colorful expensive garments, full of ecstasy, crafted to numb and sedate the sensibilty and intelligence of Eritreans in diaspora…………

        Please, please, all of you Eritreans, accept the Truth that Isaias Afewerqi and TPLFs are working hand in glove to undo Eritrean Sovereignty; their apparent antaganism is the maliganant manifestation of Libi Tigrai Twi Twai.

        What more authentic testimony do you want than that of the EPLFs themselves, as laid out in the Chronology.

        Please, stop procrastinations; the longer it takes you to accept this Truth and act on it, the hardest will be for us to save the legacy of our Martyrs. We have no time; Isaias and TPLFs are accelerating their destructive undertaking. Once we jump over this hump, our unity will flourish in no time.

        And please, do not succumb to the misleading blame of anti-Tegaru innuendos some people are slinging on us. It is psychological warfare intended to freeze us by planting guilty consciousness in us but since our magnanimity towards Tegaru is historical fact, we should not be perturbed. Any way, the survival of our country transcends all things, including our lives.

        • belay

          Mr Dawit Mekonen,
          With respect,how are you going to be different from PIA?
          You are a mirror image of NSU,why do you think IA is getting every thing wrong?
          1.Hate,Arogance etc
          Look,you keep saying Tegaru,Libi Tigray etc,my friend,it is the lack of it PIA is in a mess he is right now.

        • welde

          Dawit M,

          Wow! It took you 50 years (30 meda+20) to find out Isayas’
          Tigray identity.
          How did you find out now? Your argument; bad leadership, governing, doesn’t hold water, anyone can be a bad leader but that doesn’t diminish theirs nationality, what it does show is they are incapable of being at the helm of leadership, period.

          If it comes to that, I think Isays is more Eritrean than you will ever be.

          I tell you, I prefer Isays anytime to you. I think you should change your line of thinking. It does not fit to the modern Eritrea all others are envisioning to build.

          By the way, are you the one who decides as to who is Eritrean or not? Who decides your Eritrean identity, by the way?

          Wow, I see danger looming!!!

          • Welde,

            You are wrong again. You need to go some 40 years back in the history of Eritrean Liberation Struggle to amend your mistake.

            Back then ELF had him correctly spotted and labelled as CIA and Ethiopian spy.

            Add to that Wedi GiorGio’s, Tesfankiel, testimony, that he accompanied him to Kagnew Station in Asmera to meet with CIA agents and Rasi Asrate Tekasa, then Ethiopian colonial Governor of Eritrea.

            In his recent interview, hIsaias Afewerqi said that the strongest army in the world today is the Israeli Army. Why?

            Isaias Afewerqi joined ELF in 1966. The timing is very suggestive because at the time Ethiopian Colonial Government had introduced in Eritrea a policy that aimed to break the Eritrean resistance by driving wedges between Christians and Muslims.

            Ethiopian Colonial Government handed over the responsibilty of of effecting the policy to Israel by training Military Commandos in Deqem-Hare, exclusively from the illiterate peasants of highland Christians.

            By the way, the first victim of that evil policy were the Saho, who fled to the Sudan, heralding the first wave of Eritrean-Muslim refugees in the Sudan.

            As I have said many times, Isaias Afewerqi too was sent to join ELF to implement the same agenda. He immediately began to Learn Arabic to gain the confidence of Qiada Al Ama and later, became their trusted informer on the young University students, and on whose his false testimony so many were executed as Ethiopian spies, and many had to surrender back to Ethiopian colonial Army.

            With regard to the ” bad administration”: As you might know EPLF, despite frequent set-backs brought about by Isaias Afewerqi’s wanton killing of its elites– renown military and political cadres—, nevertheless had maintained its efficiency in all of its endeavours by constant influx of unwitting elite-Eritreans from around the world.

            Back then, Isaias Afewerqi, aided by the environment prevailing, had successfully maintained a tight lid on his atrocities from leaking to the outside world,

            and availing himself of his training in Communist China,he was able to creat not only semi-confrontational schism between the elites and not-so-elite tegadelty but also, hidding behind a Communist spirit of ” Workers of the World Unite, introduced and executed , among others, Laws that commanded death on any one who revealed his regional identity.

            The objective facts that Isaias Afewerqi was never truelly Eritrean Liberation Fighter can be gotten from the The Chronogy and secret interview the now dead Meles Zenawi gave to Paul Hanze in 1990. Please read below:

            ——-> “MZ: The EPLF has the problem that the population hates the Derg so much that it
            has all become separatist. The population wants independence to be declared as
            soon as the EPLF takes Asmara. Isaias understands some of the difficulties of this
            because he has thought a lot about it in the past year. But he has terrible pressures
            from his people. It is a difficult issue for him.
            PBH: Are the Eritrean highland Christians as strongly in favor of an immediate
            declaration of independence as Muslims?
            MZ: There are different opinions on this, but we think that the whole population wants
            independence. They may not understand what it means. These people were once
            strongly in favor of unity with Ethiopia. The Shoan Amharas destroyed that feeling.
            The highlanders are getting more impatient than the leadership of the EPLF. Isaias
            sees problems in independence and does not want to rush and create difficulties for
            himself, but he doesn’t have full control over this issue…..”

            The pervasive maladministration now taking place in Eritrea, of which he is the singlar authority and executioner, is the continuation of his conspiracy he was sent to accomplish long time ago.

            His aim is that by thus wrecking our country from within, he is preparing the ground to make it an easy prey for woyane.

            Genuine Eritreans,

            Please quit repeating like a broken tape that Isaias Afewerqi is a simple scoundrel tyrant.

            Have you ever thought why such designation is originated from simple sense-perception, such as what your mind register when you see a person killing so many people, or see a tree falling down?

            Have you ever thought why such sad incident can be reported by a child?

            Then what should we do in the light of the tragedy unfolding in our country in the hands of Isaias Afewerqi?

            We have so much informations dealing with his lineage, identity of inner circle, his decades of brutalities, his history of his negligence when woyane was deporting our people from Badme, their own land etc. that need to be processed logically to find out his motive.

            Unless we do this, it will be very hard to build consensus among ourselves and scrape him before it is too late

      • TiETiE( Shiro bubble)

        esayas hates tigrayan this is the thing we did not liked and questioned his tigryan heritage. Someone who have that blood become more Eritrean than the Eritrean. First respect tigrayan then fight them when it is about interest or national interest. But this man and others all the time demean and humiliate tigrayan we did not liked this type of uncivilized trend.
        the other thing was – it was best to deal peacefully even for extended time than go war with the weyane that we expected him to think as he is going to fight his blood people. Not only this to go war means to pay lives and disrupt family and economy furthermore have more sad mothers and fathers and widows and familyless children. It is evil to play with someone life while there were many choices such as to seek peaceful and extended time none war disputes.
        The only way to liberate Eritrea was through war but for the border dispute there many peaceful choices though to Esayas it was – ZeY SnKa HuTsa KorTuMeLu( Crash rock/sand in someone else’s Teeth )

    • Selam Dawit Meckonen,

      From your engagement, you look a brilliant individual who knows good and bad politics, and understand humanity without border. While your fight against the tyranny is commendable, certain of your arguments are none issue, emotional driven reaction that dilutes your points, and at time in fact becomes tasteless and dissuade you not to engage. From my observation, there are two issues that you can’t make argument without them: (a)hate: hate is not an argument. It is one’s negative feeling towards others. Politics doesn’t go by how you feel towards others. politics goes by engagement with persuasive argument to pull others towards you(b)Blood lineage: Issayas is dictator by his own nature it has nothing to do with his blood lineage of Tigray. Look all the dictators in the world (Assad, Khadaffi, Mubarek, Saddam, Mughabe…etc) they are true nationalist but at the same time they are evils to the core in terms of humanity. So brother Dawit, Issayas is an Eritrean dictator who should be removed by force like all dictators. I believe you are better than that. There are many sound argument you could make….look Haile’s ability to manipulate the facts at his disposal in his argument – and you could do the same thing in the same front.

      with respect
      Amanuel Hidrat

      • Amanuel Hidrat,

        Thank you for the compliment. With regard to the ” hatred” thing, please read my response to Welde. Thank you.

  • Cherini Adgi

    At a peril of subscribing to cynicism and defeatism, I wonder if this a classic recount of events by the vanquished. If anything, the tyrant is vindicated by the timeless adage of Machiavelli, when he said, “If a crime is committed for the preservation of a country, it is a glorious crime.” I say this with a heavy heart and with a troubled soul in me sinking deep into a dread of despair. The present reality portends for a more recount of the same narrative another decade head-on. Simply because, like the legends and mythical figures of the Valhalla, we are resigned to a defeat armed with our fighting spirit.

    [From moderator: Does Machiavelli have anything to say about using multiple pennames in violation of awate’s posting guidelines?]

    • Ambassador

      Perhaps “keep your pen name close; and your pen names closer”…or “the end of using multiple pen names justifies whatever motive there was”…

  • Awate team,

    This is a commendable report – a compiled summation of a decade long, unorganized struggle of the reformists. Though “Reformism” wasn’t the solution for the nature of Eritrean politics of then and now, the opposition camp defended for anyone who faced dangers from the government even for those who advocate incremental changes (reforms) simply for losing their freedom and individual rights as citizens.

    Sept. 18, 2001 will be remembered as the date that kills the spirit of change in continuum and the herald of full blown dictatorial regime in Eritrea that change the can do spirit of Eritrean people.

    • Eyob Medhane

      Aman,

      Do you have anything to say about today’s report of the “reform” of PFDJ. I tried to understand it, but my Tigrigna proved to be too weak to grasp it’s essence and ‘Shabit’ English was, as you know how it is. Therefore, I decided to turn my trusted voice. You. (Sal, please chime in, if you can)…

      Thanks~

      • rodab

        Being Woyane’s top cyber cadre and not mastering Tigrinya is like playing soccer bare-foot.
        Anyway, a meeting of the regime is going on in Embatkala, and the aim is to what you just did – to manufacture rumors in a bid to distract the public from the memories of September 18. the fact is there was not, is not, and won’t be any reform under the current Head of State.

        • Eyob Medhane

          Come on rodab,

          I thought you dislike me too much to bestow such an honor for me, that is ‘weyane’s cyber cadre. How much does it pay, by the way? If you have connection, can you please hook me up? I’ll be generous with your cut… 😉

      • saay

        Hey Eyob:

        What, did you boycott FB? Awate Facebook page answered your question, and we will just repost it here:

        Isaias Afwerki (67) and Alamin Mohammed Said (69) tell men and women younger than them that they are too old to keep their current jobs, but young enough to have an equally symbolic, powerless job. By some strange coincidence, these two were also the only Executive Committee members of EPLF (1987) who were retained in PFDJ (1994) when it was allegedly looking for “new blood.”

        We can’t wait to see what “new blood” the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW) will have. Since its establishment in 1979 (34 years ago) NUEW has has had two chairwomen who keep passing the baton to each other: Askalu, Luul, back to you Askalu, back to you Luul….

        Rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic ylultal nechochu.

        http://www.drunkendata.com/wp-content/uploads/2007/07/titanic.png

        saay

        • Eyob Medhane

          Sal,

          Thank you so much….

          I just took a break from FB for a while…..

          Now I know, what is up. Thanks…

        • haile

          Selamat Saay

          Good one:)…”Rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic”…

          Late August 2012 — Eritrea to Convene Investment Conference

          December 2012 —- Eritrea to Convene 2nd Investment Conference

          January 2013 —- Members of EDF mount forto

          February 2013 —- Eritrea increases undeclared foreign currency that can be carried to the country

          August 2013 —– Eritrea to launch a major construction project of 1700 Villas and the likes

          September 2013 —– IA announces everything has failed and will start all over again

          September 20013 —– PFDJ is re-organizing and replaced the NUEYS

          In between chairs, National service has been demobilized, Somalia’s government recognized, UNSCSR and SEMG wouldn’t budge without a visa, Woyane has been elevated to goblel…

          Isn’t this the most dynamic party of sexagenarians running wild or what?

          H

      • Sabri

        Eyob,

        What is going on in Embatakala is not reform. It is purging. For instance, one of the member of executive committee of NUEYS has been informed by her friends that she is fired while she is outside the country for visit. No notice as usual. She has been a staunch supporter of PFDJ.

        PS: It was at Embatakala the infamous defamation campaign against G15 launched in 2001 under the leadership of Nisu.

        Sabri

      • Merhaba Eyob,

        Since Sal gave you a precise answer to your question, let us wait and see the next realignment of his staff. In Issayas’s mind “reformism” is rocking the chairs to change the personalities in his circle – not real reforms in terms of foreign and domestic policies.

  • Semere Andom

    Thanks Awate Team: What a wonderful and comprehensive summation of the over a decade chronicle of Eritrea’s Reform yearnings.
    About DIA announcing 19,000 martyrs. He actually said “astat 19, 000″.I know this is very minor, but to me when I heard it, was depressing. By just referring to them as mere numbers of about, 19,000, it showed his lack of respect to them and devoid of deference to their loved ones.
    Also this reports misses one mile stone in the movement: the launching of awate.com in Sep 2000.
    Thanks