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Critique of Pure Reason: Concepts Aren’t Ambiguity of Ostension

Critique of pure reason was the first book of Immanuel Kant in 1781. The purpose of authoring the book was to give new status to “reason” and new contours to “understandings,” in making analytic and synthetic judgment for shaping the reality around us. In doing that Kant tried to separate the “ideas of reason” from the “concepts of understanding” [prolegomena 41, 4:329]. He also emphasized that Reason without the concept of understanding often appears as the source of errors and illusions. Reason is the arbiter of empirical truth in all judgments based on the conceptual understanding of the subject matter.

For purposes of empirical arguments, let me give you an example from the medical field that I am familiar with. A patient came with a groaning/aching sound to his doctor’s office. The fact the patient was groaning/aching was a reason for the doctor to believe his patient is in a pain – that is reasoning. But that reasoning should be based on the concept of pain and its symptoms, what pain entails to, its definition, how it works in the central nervous system, and how the general pain management is. Pain is the various conscious and unconscious responses to both sensation and perception, including emotional response. To respond to the stimuli of pain it is necessary to understand the nerves that support it – the “polymodal nociceptors” that respond to the chemicals released by the cells in the area from which the pain is originated. Furthermore the doctor will evaluate what kind of drug he will use to block the sensation/perception of pain at the receptor site of the nerve stimuli. So reasons are based on conventional concepts and understandings. In this essay (a) I will try to prove that there is a strong system that has paralyzed the political and economic development of our nation (b) will suggest the possible democratic transition for a peaceful and stable Eritrea.

Now, what is the purpose of this metaphoric approach of reasoning? Why did I bring it? Currently there is a debate at the “Awate forum” on the nature of the regime in Asmara and the “state” run by the regime. In the debate, one side was arguing (a) there is no system with institutions in the state of Eritrea, hence it is a one man’s institution (b) There is a “statecraft” in the governance of Eritrea, built in the last 23 years with some technology and knowledge-based transfer: in healthcare, education, energy, land management, banking, economy, finance, capacity building [read Saay’s comment in this link]. I argued against his argument.

Let us look at both arguments (a) and (b) not only their merits but also whether both arguments are complimentary to each other or not. Are they related and congruent to each other to make consistent argument? Or are they contrarian to each other? Before I proceed to argue on the merits of his argument vis-a-vis the Eritrean reality, I would like to see whether the two statements (a) and (b) compliment each other and make plausible argument. In doing so, I will define the Eritrean regime based on the existing political concepts and “limits of definitions” as Bertrand Russell has pointed out. By “limits of definitions” Russell means, that there is a scope and limits to semantic theory that curves up the territory of the conceptual definition to disallow divergences and confusions. Indeed in his argument my friend Saleh Younis did play semantics and politics at the same time to define the Eritrean regime out of the scope and limits of the definition of the term, for a regime that pushed the power and its institutions of central state far beyond controlling its subjects.

The Eritrean Regime Is A Totalitarian Regime

Totalitarian regimes are governments that aim to control the political, economic, social, intellectual, and cultural lives of their citizens. They make their citizens more than passively obedient by imposing their wishes on them. As a political philosophy they glorify the “state” by emphasizing the need for a strong government and “extreme nationalism” led by a dictatorial ruler. The term dictatorship signifies the governing principles of a “political system” with its “ideology” expressed in their own tyrannical political behavior and impulsive form of decision making. The domestic and foreign policies are usually made impulsively inspired by political activism often based upon an ideological Messianic aimed at disciplining the society.

Currently, Eritrea is governed by a single party (PFDJ) controlling the political, economic, social, and cultural lives of our people. Some Eritreans glorify their “tyrannical ruler” in the spirit of “Nhna Nsu, and Nsu Nhna” and in the current “statecraft” as alpha and omega to continue in building the capacity of our nation.

Actually in the awate forum, our friend Saleh Younis debated, that the problem in Eritrea is with the “office of the presidency” and not with the “statecraft” they have built. If statecraft means the art of leading a country with effective institutional functioning, doesn’t that in itself defines a “system” that functions well? Can a “one man institution” run a statecraft that manages wisdom of public affairs and effective institutional functioning? I don’t think so. Interestingly enough, he is consciously contradicting himself to defend the “value system of PFDJ”. As much as he has the right to defend whatever value system he believes in, it would be disingenuous of Saleh to argue that there is a “statecraft” in Eritrea on the one hand and there is no “a system” as such on the other. A clear contrarian views in one mind.

PFDJ’S Pyramidal Structured of Power

In Eritrea we have an elite featured rule with Pyramidal power of an authoritarian regime. Our dictator controls the decisive key positions at the head of the “elite’s aggregate of power” consisting elements of the Eritrean defense force (EDF) and the police that controls the security of the “state and the party”. In an elite-related dictatorship like ours, a division of political functions exist almost by definition and structured system. The Yemanes, Zemhrets, Osman Salehs are the exemplary from the tutelage of Isaias in the politics of public sphere; The Philipos, Tekle Manjus in the rank and files of the EDF to protect the despot from any coup attempts; The Wedi Kassa, Simon G.Dengil in the security sphere to continue the infringements upon citizens’ legal right either to throw them into forced labor camps or imprisonment for a simple grievance the public might have uttered. The Hagos Kishas, Woldai Futur in the economic spheres, to monopolize the economic lives of citizens by the party. All these chains of powers are structured to make a strong institutionalized pyramidal power that defines the totalitarian system. The remaining institutions at the bottom of the pyramid will enhance the power at the top. Our dictator and his advisory committee in the current Eritrean socioeconomic situation, indeed have their own particular sociopolitical concept of planning, however deplorable it is in the eyes of the public.

The Model of Tunisian Transfer of Power

The outgoing president of the transitional government Muncef Marzouki has handed over the power to a democratically elected President Beji Caid Essebsi on December 30, 2014. Tunisians must be proud to have a democratic transition of power, the first of its kind. The elected president is the product of the new political transitional persuasion that evades the conventional patterns. It has its own characteristics as attested by Mohamed Chafik Sarsar and that is “the characteristics of the leadership, the actors involved, the relatively peaceful nature, and the key role of civil society.”

The Tunisians understood that they have leadership crises which consequently gave them the impetus to create a new “consensus gathering body.” They call it High Authority for achievement – for purposes of political reform and democratic transition. Its members include political parties and civil societies. The democratic transition had various challenges such as strengthening consensus between different actors, adopting new constitution that satisfy expectations and pave a way for political stability, setting conditions for social peace, and assuring the freedom of the media.

Three years after the uprising, a non-partisan technocrat took the office of the Prime Minister, to lead the “caretaker government” until the democratic elections. The Prime Minister has formed an independent cabinet of technocrats to lead the transitional period. The popularly elected assembly has also drafted a new constitution within a year during the transition. This unique persuasive transitional period was accepted by all the “political stakeholders” and “civil society” in Tunisia. The election was held in December 2014 and history recorded it as the first peaceful democratic transition of power in the Arab countries.

The Democratic Transitional Power For Eritrea

Now, could the Tunisian model work for the Eritrean reality? I say astoundingly yes. Reason: PFDJ is the most hated political party in Eritrea and is not trustworthy to hold any transitional power let alone a democratically elected transition. Eritrea is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society with a deep mistrust among them. It also has many political organizations with different politico-ideological persuasion. In such circumstances, in order to build trust on the system we are going to build, we must start on equal level field. That level field should start from the “transitional power” and transitional period that allows for drafting a contractual document “between the existing parties” and between “the people and the political organizations.” The contractual document will be the “covenant” or the “constitution” of the land and its people.

Eritrea has capable technocrats (non-affiliated politically) who could lead us during the transitional period. I am absolutely confident of our technocrats, on their “nationalism” and their knowledge of “statecraft” to lead us without the interferences of the political parties during the given period of democratic transition. The chairperson and his cabinet will be the “caretaker government” during the transitional period. They will be endowed with the mandate to represent Eritrea in the international community as well as to run the “state of Eritrea” in all its institutional functions during the transitional period. This transitional leadership will form a “commission” in consultation with the political parties and civil societies to draft or overhaul the existing constitution. The commission will be formed from the representatives of the political organizations, civil societies, and independent academicians of all persuasions. The transitional leadership will also form a committee that will draft “electoral law” in consultation with the political organizations and civil societies. Both the “commission” for drafting the constitution and the “committee” for the electoral laws, should finish their tasks within the period of the agreed upon transitional period.

Once this big task is accomplished, the transitional leadership will form an election committee to supervise the election as deemed neccessary and the contention of the parties for a “head of state” (presidential or prime ministerial as approved in the constitution) to assume political power for the term approved in the constitution. I believe there is no remedy for the political malaise of Eritrea and the deep mistrust of our social groups other than starting on “Equal level field” with the “Tunisian model” of democratic transition. Any other attempt will give an upper hand, one way or the other, to dictate the process by whichever organization leads the transitional power. So, what ask for is “wisdom to prevail” in order to give equal opportunities to all the stakeholders and let the Eritrean people decide by their powerful voice, and that is “their votes.”

Caution: There is no such a thing as a one man institution. A state is run by a well organized system whether the head of state is a dictator, tyrant, or a democrat. They will not stay in power for a long period without their ideological system and the institutions that implement their vision (good or bad) on the ground. And we have to prepare our struggle accordingly. Anything outside that concept we will fail to redeem our people from the grip of the “PFDJ system” and its despotic leader.

Happy New Year, and wish you all success in the struggle we are waging.


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About Amanuel Hidrat

Amanuel Hidrat, is a political activist and a passionate writer in the current struggle against the Eritrean regime. His extensive writings are focused on constitution and constitutionalism, constitutional process, nature of governments, and grievances of the social groups. His articles can be found “Tebeges”, a rich column at that archives over 150 articles. He has been writing at Ntsebraq in Tigrinya since 1998, and in English since 2000. Through his writings, , he promotes "multicultural liberalism" and "multicultural constitutionalism" that provides a fair share to social groups in the decision making process of governance. Amanuel believes it’s not individuals, but ”our social groups”, that should be the building blocks of the Eritrean nation state. Amanuel studied “Industrial chemistry" at the Poly-technical Institute in Ethiopia, and "Clinical Pharmacy" at St John's University in the US.

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  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Mohamed Saleh,

    Congratulation ! Your commentary on the constitution (your suggestions of amendment) is posted at the international free press in the horn of Africa, known as “Han & Geeska Afrika.” It was considered as a potent argument in the debate of the controversial constitutional document of 1997. The debate which is going in is watched by the horn countries as part of the regional development and hopes for change in Eritrea.

    Amanuel Hidrat

    • haileTG

      Haha Emma,

      Geeska is nothing like that. They actually stole Mahmuday’s comment. I think a very unethical, plagiarizing, person of unknown motive is behind that website. I am not sure if Mahmuday need to pat himself in the back or sue that person who posted his comment without permission of AT (as content owners and Mahmuday principal source of the content).


      • Mahmud Saleh

        Dear HTG &Emma
        Actually, you guys alerted me on that, is this a Somali website? AT must know about it. As far as the comments are concerned, if thinks that site could play a role of spreading the discussions going on on awatista forum, I think it should be encouraged. There are tones of good ideas here, particularly, when Eritreans and Ethiopians are in good mood (winks! ). Hey thanks guys for alerting me.
        Emma, I have a misgiving for you for misspelling my name ( cheers).

      • Saleh Johar

        Mahmuday, there is ethics related to cross posting where website takethe liberty to cut and paste instead of providing link to the material if they feel their readers should be alerted to. This is nothing but stealing content and should be discouraged. It’s just like what Tesfanews did to Semere Tesfai’s article which they stole from

  • Abraham Hanibal

    Good luck with your studies, brother Tesfabirhan.))

    • Mahmud Saleh

      Dear Abraham,
      You have my appreciation for all that tolerant disposition, thick skin, and calm character. Phew! That was unending rumbling, my goodness, who said Eritrea ran out of decent young people?

      • Abraham Hanibal

        Dear Mahmud;
        Thanks for all the nice words of encouragement.))

  • Semere Andom

    just curious, when did you Eritreans liv in peace for hundred years. What I know is since Eritrea was create there was war, killing and lawless. Then Eritreans had enough and started a revolution to replace lawlessness with law, strife with peace and the revolution succeeded in replacing the instruments of lawlessness, but unfortunately created a more lawless regime on the rubbles of the lawless regime it replaced. Eritrea was the land of bandits, where those with means abused those who were weaker. Girls who had no brothers were raped and if someone asks to marry your daughter and if you refuse, he will kidnap it, “yzirfa” or “yshift” to intimidate you. So no sir, Eritreans never lived in peace the closest they came were during the Gheldi era. But it was not to be thanks to PFDJ and those who romanticize something that does not exist.
    And also curious why do you detest WallenSTEIN, didn’t you guys say your are the Jews of Africa?

    • Nitricc

      I don’t expect you to get but when Geroge said…..

      “We Eritreans lived in peace for hundreds of years without “INSTITUTIONS.”

      he is saying because of external forces colonized us, we been fighting; we never have an institutions that made us to live in peace with each other. so, what he is saying there was never conflict among the people, WITHIN!

      • george

        Dear Nitricc, thank you for your response. I would not have responded to him for I know his kind. I only try to engage Eritreans. I have yet to meet an Ethiopian that is willing to see the problem beyond Ethiopian vs Eritrea. Most if not all have the wrong perception of Eritrea and Eritreans. I find it a waste of time to engage them. Until they take their hate filled, backward view nothing will change. Ethiopia is under the payroll of US. They will do what US told them to do, kill, steal, destroy and lie.

      • Semere Andom

        I am going to be easy on your cus you are way way better. I get what he said but let me ask you this:
        no society lives in peace without institutions.
        Even having institution are not perfect because they are made up people and there are lots of crazy people but society is better with institutions, a word that you seem to despise despite you are the beneficiary. Come on Nitriccoid, complete the circle 😉
        The reason I brought the bandits and lack of inst. is to tell your friend that the Ghedli started to create them to supplant the lawless Ethiopians regime that ruled our people. Let m

  • Abraham Hanibal


    First it is good that we agree on the principle of ownership of our affairs and non-interference in our internal affairs by foreign forces. If I’m not clear about my position regarding the fate of PFDJ in a future democratic Eritrea, I’ll try to clarify again.

    We’ve to differentiate between the rank and files of the PFDJ as an organization and those who’re leading the organization. In fact, I think it is wrong to speak of a PFDJ-system as such, because we know all decisions are made within the circle of a clique, even entirely by a single dictator. Those who’re enlisted as members of the organization do not have an input or feedback on the policies of their organization. I’m of the understanding that the great majority of the people in the PFDJ organization just like any other Eritrean, are victims of this clique and would like to see a transition to rule of law and justice. It is unfair to blame all of them for the wrongs of a small group of people.

    We’ve also to remember that these people have spent their lifetime to liberate Eritrea, and have contributed in the nation-building so far. Just like those in the opposition, they’ve also the right and stake in the affiars of their country, hence they’ve the right to participate in the democratic transition of their country.

    The PFDJ-as it is today has to be dismantled as an organization. Because in the future democraic Eritrea, political parties will compete for political power. As we know PFDJ is not a politcal party, rather it is an organization that comprises of members with different political beliefs and ideologies. In addition, most of its members are there not because they agree with the policies of the organization, but because they’ve simply been registered without their free will. This is against the ideals of Democracy; a given organization cannot simply register members without the members’ consent , and at the same time by banning other organizations the people could choose to be members of. Second we know that the organization has numerous economic and financial assets that have been collected from the general public and built by the free labor of Eritreans. These assets belong to the Eritrean people, therefore, they should be handed to a future democratic state, which could privatize them later on.

    Regarding those who’re implicated in crimes, they’ve to face a fair trial. Otherwise no single party can ban anyone in Eritrea from forming political parties, if these comply with the regulations of the party-formation law that we would have after the removal of dictatorship.
    I hope now I’m out of those you claim to belong to “the school of chauvinists”.-))

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Selam All,

    “There are institutions in South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana and Ethiopia. And these institutions are crucial for promoting peace in Africa and provide information on conflicts observed on the continent,” said Peter Wallenstein, a professor of peace and conflict research at Uppsala University, Sweden. Could such institutions play a big role in transforming the African continent to peace and stability, thereby all African countries will find a ground for economic development? Awatista what is your take on this matter?

    Amanuel Hidrat

  • Tesfabirhan WR

    Just for thinking!

    ESAT journalist saying, “Tomorrow, we will be one {Eritrea and Ethiopia -my own add}.” from the heart of Asmara. Who is th threat for Eritrean Sovereignity? PFDJ? Ethiopian Opposition? TPLF/EPRDF?

    Or, the reverse might happen, Ethiopia to join with Eritrea? or Eritrea to join Ethiopia?


    • haileTG

      Selamat Tes,

      – PFDJ is the ONLY existential threat to Eritrea and its capacity to remain free and independent.

      – When Ethiopians say we are the same, we are one or we are brothers, remember they have a different political reality and are not relaying a message of invading Eritrea or dissolving its independence. To me, the language is simply that of peace and fraternity, nothing more. We shouldn’t read too much into it because that is what the politically and morally bankrupt PFDJ want us to be. They want Eritreans to be jittery and fearful of outsiders. Thank God that Eritreans didn’t buy that.

      – The last remark was interesting. The journalist said that even a German reporter had been to ISIS territory to do his job and their being there shouldn’t be construed as taking side with the globally scorned and ruthless regime of IA. This shows you how low PFDJ are, they are so cheap that they can even be insulted with their own money.

      – Finally, as Eritreans, we are fraternal and brotherly and sisterly people to our Ethiopian neighbors. The actions of PFDJ should be answered by the Ethiopians themselves and it is best if we don’t join in the trap PFDJ is setting to foil Eritrean independence.


      • Tesfabirhan WR

        Haile TG,

        Agreed 100%! And thank you.


  • Shum

    Hello Amanuel,

    I’ve seen you reference these technocrats in various posts. Who are these technocrats you keep mentioning?

  • Tesfabirhan WR

    Dear Abraham,

    It is very simple, what I said is also individual response. Can’t you not accept on what I said or use of it. It is your choice. if it an honest question, to know, or have a gist on what I said like that, you could not have brought the FREE SPEECH issue first. Remember, I have also a right for FREE SPEECH and I am using it. Else, had your question was a reason search, I could have better explained why I said so.

    Ok, let me simplify on you:

    Eritrean sovereingty is unquestionable but the journalist who was interviewing Sibhat Nega questioned it. No matter how TPLF or individual cadres handled Eritrean issue before, now, it doesn’t matter unless it is for historical or academic exhaustion. Politically speaking, VOA’s question was wrong.

    Again, I didn’t forget that VOA is a US news agency; meaning that, it is not within country issue but an international issue. At least that is what I understood in my response.

    Saying this, questioning the Eritrean Sovereignity again on international medias is nothing but increasing the problems we already have.

    It is an honest but conscious warning.


    • Abraham Hanibal

      The origin of this interview was Gebru Asrat’s book, where he writes a lot about the struggle against the Derge, about matters that existed inside the TPLF, its relations to the Eritrean question of Independence at that time, etc. Gebru Asrat was one of the central figures during and after the struggle against the Derge. In his book, Gebru Asrat speaks of the need and right of Ethiopia to Eritrean sea. From this background, VOA found it necessary to interview one of those important figures within the TPLF, Sebhat Nega to give his views regarding the issues Gebru Asrat raised. In my view, this interview was important to clarify the issues that were raised by Gebru Asrat and hear from a person who is part of the history and current TPLF system in Ethiopia. Whether the interview is done by an international media outlet or national has nothing to do with “increasing the problems we already have”, rather it is important for us to clarify the issues. And, according to me, the interview was very important to know the stanse of the TPLF contra the issues that were raised by Gebru Asrat, thanks for the free press.

      • Tesfabirhan WR

        Dear Abraham H.,

        I can understand why it is important for you. if I am not mistaken, we discussed this issue before. For you, Ethiopian threat is most important. Ok, take it seriously. I don’t have a problem for taking it seriously but I would like to remind you that you are questioning the unquestionable.

        Let me tell you the only one thing that I ever appreciated about the PFDJ political stance: “It is when he rejected negotiation on the already finished border issue”. I have the same, even, stronger stance on the NON-QUESTIONABILITY of Eritrean Sovereign issue. For me, Eritrea is that of 1890, a country which was for the first time named as a nation colonized by Italy and later in 1993, a country which said ‘YES to independence” and became a FREE nation and later on its territorial integrity, that of EEBC final and binding border resolution. My base is always this one and I REJECT any politics that tries to question this.

        PFDJ and the Chauvinist school of thought (the reformers) bring the sovereignity issue and bit a drum on external enemies in order to maintain the legacy of PFDJ. And if you ask me what is the legacy of PFDJ to Eritreans,

        1. It is slavery
        2. It is Anti-Peace and development
        3. It is creating by creating virtual enemies
        4. It is corruption, poverity
        5. It is family disintegration.
        6. It is anti-Eritrean values.

        Therefore, let’s not follow the lost-soul’s politics, just like that of Gebru Asrat.

        Finally, the biggest threat to Eritrean sovereignity is PFDJ himself. Let’s get weed-out him and tell the world that we are standing united.

        Dear Abraham, let(s be honest in our synthesis. You cannot fool someone by a camouflaged words (example: the free-speech issue you brought) to solidify your political discourse. Remember, Ethiopian threat is more important for you (which you are questioning your own freedom) and mine is only and only PFDJ. In this we have different way of seeing things. Let’s accept this.


        • Abraham Hanibal

          No need for such a long analysis, let’s stick to the issue we were discussing. My comment to you was in response of you criticising the VOA interview. I took it that you wish the public not to hear a reaction of Sebhat Nega to the claims of Gebru Asrat, claiming it would aggravate the situation between the two countries. My view of the issue is, it has nothing to do with aggravation, in fact, it serves for a clarification of the position of the TPLF on the issues that were raised by Gebru Asrat. Through this interview, I came to know, for example, Sebhat Nega was for a more civilized way of finding solution to the border issue, through diplomacy, unlike the Siye group, including Gebru Asrat who’re pushing for the war, and gave no chance for diplomacy. Medias have to be allowed to operate freely, because they serve to disseminate information.
          Regarding my position on the PFDJ. I believe the former EPLF and now PFDJ, (though now the organization is under the grip of a tyrant), has contributed hugely in the liberation and nation-building of Eritrea. The dreams of the great majority who struggled under this organization was for a peaceful, just, and democratic Eritrea. These dreams have been hijacked by the dictator an his clique. At the heart of all the odds we face today lies this evil clique. Depending on this ground, I believe the members of the EPLF/PFDJ have to be allowed to live their dreams and aspirations for better Eritrea, and hence they should be part and parcel of any process of change to democracy in Eritrea. They are part of our society, and undoubtedly have a formidable influence and stake on the development of the Eritrean society.
          The messege is you cannot simply dream of doing away with this very important reality in our country. Hence, the opposition forces have to stop this crazy idea of simply erasing the influence of the PFDJ members in the process of transition to democracy. They’ve tryed to do so ever since they were expelled out of the Eritrean field, and apart from multiplyiing to meaningless groups, they’ve not achieved anything.
          Regarding Ethiopia or any other foreign influence, my position is Eritreans have to be the owners of their affairs, no foreign power should dictate our interests. The changes that we bring should be centered on our historical realities, our current needs, and our future peace, security and prosperity. In other words, no copycat needed here. We need our home-grown system of government that best fits our realities and interests as a nation.

          • Nitricc

            hahahahah Abraham, you exposed Tes’s ignorance.
            look how you cornered him and look what you make him say

            “What I do oppose is PFDJ system. For me, there is a difference between PFDJ system and PFDJ members. As far as PFDJ members are ready to change their system..”

            Abraham, that what reform is! changing the system. you talk about a confused person.

            Thanks Abraham, you did what none of us could, exposed the “Chauvinists School of thought”

          • Tesfabirhan WR


            Too much jerking.

            Your school is what it has a problem with the PFDJ members. We believe on rule of law and only the law will talk about individuals after the fall of PFDJ system.

            Your school doctrine: “It is only because of the members that we are like what we are today else, the system we built was very excellent. And we want to maintain it by reloving DIA and close friends.”

            The sal’s school of thought is not shame to talk about individuals who are in power (power struggle) but is a taboo to discuss the essence of the system as it is a sacred sytem built by able dictator that can only and only has the power to lead the Eritrean people as such. If not, the Sal’s School of Thought has no believe on any other Social group or individuals.


            From the very beginning, I stated my stand with the PFDJ members. The Rule of Law will judge them who they are at the individual level. Those who did crime are accountable and we will not bury them underground but bring them in the court for judgement.

            You know what the “democratic coup is. The EDF members, since they are armed, are the only organized group able to down DIA but the rest will remain intact, a problem with the PFDJ members. Isn’t this a clear character of “REFORMERS” and is now openely supported by your mentor; the sal, M and now another A?


            I will teach you not only in food science but also politics.

            Note: Don’t worry, your school will be kept in a MUSEUM. We have humanity within us. The rest, you will be banned.


            For you, PFDJ System = PFDJ member? Yes, this is your confusion little chauvinist.


            ++Happy New Year and let Peace be Upon us as your school will soon disappear and as an Eritrean we need you, no matter what you did till the day comes to be judge.

          • Nitricc

            Tes, you make me lough with following statement of your…

            “Isn’t this a clear character of “REFORMERS” and is now openely supported by your mentor; the sal, M and now another A?”

            many more to follow 🙂
            Tes, just read the article i post on this thread, I have no agenda, revenge or any king of whatever. I put all ideas and i lay them on the table and only the reform made sense. think about it, if any one interfered with our affairs; and if we are not careful say hi to Somalia, Libya and a complete distraction. I agree with you, we need to change the system, we need to change what is broken but we have to change the people first. dismantling killing and whatever word you want to use will get you no where. do we a problem? yes! do we need change? yes. but we must do it ourselves and we must include the PFDJ to be part of the change. now, how hard is this clear cut exit strategy and a way forward for you understand?
            you want change and you want reform, well, start from yourself and start thinking and change what is best for the country and people. don’t be stubborn ; follow the logic and commonsense.

          • Tesfabirhan WR


            Poor Nitricc, I am just sorry for you that you got a wrong school.


            Lesson for you based on your last sentence: “don’t be stubborn ; follow the logic and commonsense.”

            I said before the school of Chauvinists use subjective reasoning, commonsense while the Fine line of thought follows Objective and subjective reasoning.

            DO you know what I was meant by that? I am not going to be lead by subjective reasoning, mind this.

            Lesson 1:

            Subjective v Objective:

            Based upon: Personal opinions, assumptions, interpretations and beliefs
            Commonly found in: Newspaper editorials, blogs, biographies, comments on the Internet
            Suitable for decision making: No (usually)

            Based upon: Observation of measurable facts
            Commonly found in: Encyclopedias, textbooks, news reporting
            Suitable for decision making: Yes (usually)

            Read more:


            To repeat; The Sal’s School of thought follows subjective reasoning and I hope you are clear now what I mean about these two terms.

            Poor Nitriccay

          • Nitricc

            Tes, the confused, you said you are in school, what do you study? it is scary. why are addicted to words and the dictionary? I know you are trying to be a critical thinker but ain’t happening don’t waste your time. anyway let me leave with PIA said

            “እቲ ደሮና ምስ በነነ፡ ኣድማስና ናብ ዝኸዶ የብሉን” ፕረዚደንት ኢሳይያስ

            help your country and people to settle the dust. our dreams and our aspirations will go no where. let’s foil the outside danger then we can argue and discuss between us.
            you are too rigid and worst flip flapper.

          • Tesfabirhan WR


            How come a stubborn and rigid person be a flip flapper?


            poor chauvinist


          • Nitricc

            Read up on the term of bipolar. you are too slow.

          • Tesfabirhan WR


            ሎሚ ንዓኻ ዝኸውን ግሩም ዝኾነ ዕላል ኣለኒ’ስከ ንትሪክ። ኣይተስተውሓዶ ኢኻ ዕላል ተጋደልቲ ግንባር ወዲ ገራህቱ’ዩ።


  • Mahmud Saleh

    Ahlan HTG
    I agree, thank you. And yes, most of the message was directed to Emma. I am pressed with time and may reply to Emma, but what bothers me is that similar loaded accusations are not going to take us forward. EPLF had its share of good and bad legacy, yet that should not condemn the thousands who gave their lives for values they upheld as noble, like resisting subjugation, helping out their people, helping each other, selflessness, self-confidence and self reliance…and ideals they had died for such as liberating their people and establishing a democratic Eritrea. The majority of Eritreans contributed in the struggle EPLF waged, one way or another, believing truly in what they were doing would contribute to the betterment of their country people. The values of EPLF bases were not different from those values tegadelti and wudubat of ELF HAD FOUGHT for. It’s also true that most of those who have paid dearly opposing PFDJ are EPLF members; It’s like adding salt to an already throbbing wound. I can not blame the current religious and regional based splintering to historic ELF simply because most of the traditional organized opposition had sprouted from ELF and kept multiplying. With the same token, it’s wrong to explain EPLF by the deeds of PFDJ which is menacing every Eritrean indiscriminately. It’s wrong both on moral and tactical grounds; because, it’s simply wrong and because you cannot win by alienating ex-EPLF members. We need to break free from these kinds of constraints. I uphold your call for the youth. I may add: please young generation, shoulder your responsibility, assert your role. Exodus is not the solution.

    • Tesfabirhan WR

      … and reforming or maintaining any reminants of PFDJ is not the solution!

      Only then your sentence can be complete and accepted by young generation.

  • Nitricc

    Why is the TPLF hand picking Eritreans, organizing and investing heavily to the so-called Eritrean oppositions?

    Some will say and will tell you because they care so much about Eritrea and they are helping a country in need. It comes to mind people like Aman-H and the Dedebit grad.
    Others have different take. The reason TPLF assembling, dismantling, hand picking, dumping, ordering and heavily investing is, for one main agenda and for clear goal. Control Eritrea from Mekele!!!!!!!! It comes to mind Nitricc and Xyz.

    The dream of TPLF gangs is a change in Eritrea. a sudden, confused and a chaotic change to take place in Eritrea. They want a change that will ensue instability, violence and apprehensions among Eritreans. That is the only way they can get in to their agenda and succeed.
    SAAY wants reformed PFDJ, democratic coup call it what ever you want but he wants part of the PFDJ to be part of the change. Why did SAAY wanted PFDJ to be part of the change? Because he knows the only way to control the change and the surest way to keep the TPLF out of Eritrean affairs is by keeping part of PFDJ as part of the change. If SAAY had a choice, he wouldn’t want any of PFDJ at all, but he is realistic and he assessed the situation very well and came up with an exit strategy. I.e. that is his reason to sticking with reform and making PFDJ part of the change. This way is the best way for change. No confusion, no external interferences and deliberated plan.

    On the other hand here is Aman-H take. He argues that PFDJ must be eradicated and absolutely eliminated from its roots, let alone to be reformed and be part of the change.
    I believe Aman-H wants TPLF to be part and parcel of any change in Eritrea. He has this unrealistic dream of these two people to forgive and forget and everything fine and dandy. and the reason Aman-H and his dedebitains friends desire to eradicate PFDJ is they know if there reformed PFDJ and PFDJ is part of the change, there is no way TPLF agenda to come reality. Remember, TPLF agenda can only be reality when there is a sudden and chaotic change, so they can send their hand picked individuals that will be managed from Mekele.
    So, if you are Eritrea and all you have is what the best inetrest of your country; will you go with SAAY’s strategy or will stick with Aman-H’s plan, eradicate PFDJ.
    So, all the dabte between SAAY and Aman-H boils down to this.
    Which one will you choose?

    • saay7

      Selamat Nitricc:

      I feel I got dragged into this just as I was observing my mandatory awate forum fasting so I can stay in the background and be my chauvinist self quietly betting on football games:) But now I feel obliged to correct/clarify:

      1. Yes, I believe that there can never be smooth landing in Eritrea without the presence of reformers within the PFDJ who are, as Mahmuday has stated, Isaias’s first victims and who, (barring the 20-30 of rotating flunkies with privileges) since we are talking about “social groups” suffered as much as any other “social group” and who have sacrificed more than any “social group” trying to bring about change (as opposed to talking about change mostly behind pen names.)

      2. Yes, I believe that the TPLF wants to shape Eritrea’s future. The smartest guy in the TPLF, and the king-maker, and the ideologue of the party is on record saying that he believes his party cares more for Eritreans than EPLF (Shaebia.) Actually, his party cares more for South Sudan than Silva Kir and more for Americans than the American government. He says this on the record. Here’s a video, his interview with VOA, chopped to 1 minute* And the funny thing is he is the good guy, in comparison to the Gebru Asrats of the world: he made the comment to defend himself against TPLF-II (Gebru Asrat) which is accusing TPLF of caring too much for Eritrea at the expense of Ethiopia.

      3. You might want to skip this part as you are still (!) an admirer of Isaias Afwerki: Isaias also thinks he cares more for Ethiopia than the TPLF does and he will destroy Eritrea in the process of proving that point.

      4. If sudden, abrupt changes comes, the two groups that will be the king makers in Eritrea are the TPLF-flunkies and, this is also important, the Islamist groups. If you want a mild taste of what the Islamists have in store for Eritrea, refer to the article that is criticizing Judge Saleh Gadi Johar. If these guys are so rigid without guns, imagine what they will be like with guns when all the Federalists and de-centralizers give them their provinces and tell them now do as you like there. As we say back home, ብሕጂኡ ዝነቀወ ዝብኢ…

      Now, can I just read you guys in peace?



      • Tesfabirhan WR

        Dear saay7,

        I feel sorry for you that you chopped the part that you are comfort with. Have you heard the last part of the interview, 10:50-11:04?

        At this very end, it has a clear message from Sibhat Nega on the need of diplomatic Solution. How can you ignore that part dear saay7?

        “hager hizka do yihikel (yikhure) yu” is his word. This signifies, once a nation is known as sovereign country, there are means to handle issues. But, from his deep regretful feelings and a reputation of same mistakes done by his forefathers, we can understand that, there way the two nations (Eritrea and Ethiopia) followed was a mistake no matter what confrontation did first.

        As far as we entertain the sovereignty issue and as far as we remain weak and divided, Ethiopians will not hesitate to revise whatever they like. Weak is weak and so is Eritrea because of PFDJ. Entertaining such flawed interviews (VOA will not hesitate to search loopholes for their media consumption and we should show them that we are “present” no matter how hardships we have.Such moves(like that of VOA) will only aggravate the situation between two countries)


        Additional Note (++): Now, a big chunk of our political difference is clear: It is between “Reformers” and “Dismantlers” and it is good to see such filtration process to come with pure clarification.

        • Abraham Hanibal


          I will just focus on part of your last paragraph; “Entertaining such flawed interviews (VOA will not hesitate to search loopholes for their media consumption and we should show them that we are “present” no matter how hardships we have.Such moves(like that of VOA) will only aggravate the situation between two countries).” The question is why should VOA be blamed for having interview with political leaders? And why should they be blamed for questions they present, and answers they recieve from their interviewees? Aren’t we struggling for the sake of freedom of speech and free media?

          • Nitricc

            Abraham because VOA is from school of chauvinism.

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear Abraham,

            I think, I didn’t blame VOA but I am warning them the consequence. I didn’t say that they should not do such interviews. They are free whatever they want to do but for (us), the end receivers, the principal audience, it will not serve us for good. The end result will be questioning VOA service for their audience.

            I am an advocate of FREE PRESS but I do have a mechanism to filter what is needed for me as an end-user. for this, what I mean is, let the medias speak or air whatever they want, but me, as an end-receiver, I have to evaluate on what is said. And this is what I did. Yet, I respect VOA as media outlet.

            Another point, we have Eri-TV from Eritrea. Can I live freely what Eri-TV is broadcasting to our people? For me, BBC, CNN, VOA, Eri-TV are all news media and are free to broadcast what they have in their program and yet as an audience, I have a democratic right to express my opinion/view.

            Therefore, differentiate between blaming and receivers evaluation on the said.


      • Kokhob Selam

        I am sorry Say.

      • abrham

        Sebhat Nega response to Dimtsi woyane back in 2007

        WOYANE RADIO: There is a widespread resentment in the society that TPLF wrote, campaigned, took a firm stand, in short, TPLF fought for Eritrean independence more than any other Eritrean group to the extent that TPLF looked like an Eritrean organization. What was the motive, the cause, and eventual goal of taking such a huge risk? Second, at a time when TPLF was fighting for the independence of
        Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki’s EPLF was swaying to work with the Derg government.EPLF had mediation talks with the Derg. How do you see that?

        Sebhat Nega: We achieved political maturity long before the start of the armed struggle. If you ask who created TPLF it is the political conditions in Tigray that created it. It was a response, a reaction to the conditions in Tigray. We internalized the demand of the people for democratic governance long
        before the start of the armed struggle. Therefore, the democratic behavior, the democratic culture was already created when TPLF was launched. And democracy has no borders. If you have a democratic platform for your people, you don’t deny democracy to other people. Therefore, the overriding need for the reign of democratic governance was one of the reasons that paved the way for the
        struggle waged to resolve the Eritrean question in a just and democratic manner.

        Therefore, TPLF was an organization that had an excellent understanding of the Eritrean question, the conditions of the Eritrean people. TPLF didn’t take the Eritrean demand as an ordinary question of independence alone. Eritrean groups, on the other hand, took the Eritrean question as the question of independence alone. They focused only on how to achieve independence. They never thought about post-independence Eritrea. Therefore, their program was only of ‘independence.’ On the other hand, TPLF was worrying about whether the Eritrean rebel groups – ELF (Jebha) and EPLF (Shaebia) – had any thoughts about post-independence Eritrean conditions. They had nothing. For this reason, TPLF was
        reminding them of the challenges awaiting them after they break-away. To persuade such a group with a fragmented view of independence was difficult. In fact, we never believed that the Eritrean group would – beyond its mercenary program – go and fight for independence to the end. And apparently, ELF gave
        in; knelt down. Close to the final hours, they had started talking to the Derg,before it abandoned the struggle wholly.

        Shaebia (EPLF) was also showing signs of compromising on the independence of the Eritrean people. The power-sharing deal EPLF held with the Derg in an East German city and under the mediation of the East German government was evidence of Shaebia kneeling down to Derg. There were also other EPLF-Derg talks after the defection of Dawit Wolde-Giorgis.* Shaebia was also trying to give in to Derg during the foiled 1989 army generals coup led by General Bulti in Asmara and Generals Fanta [Belai] and Merid Negussie in Addis Ababa. The plan was to replace Mengistu with somebody else, and Shaebia would get its share. After the coup, Shaebia sent a message to us [TPLF]. Shaebia told us to make a swift
        decision and welcome a delegate of the coup leaders that was coming to meet with us via Adi Quala, Eritrea.

        Our response was clear: TPLF knows no compromise with the Derg. The goal of our struggle is to bring about a total change of the system. TPLF might have considered negotiation had the coup been led by soldiers other than high-ranking army officers. Even at that level, we never believed a coup would
        change the system. Therefore, we turned down Shaebia’s request to accept the plea of the coup. Our decision was – much to the dismay of Shaebia – announced on our Radio. Therefore, that was another occasion Shaebia had also considered a power-sharing arrangement with the Derg. The danger of this deal was not only aimed at sabotaging the interest of the Eritrean people for independence. It
        was also a move aimed at destroying the aspirations of the Ethiopian people fordemocratic governance.

        Based on these facts, we had written that Shaebia is a treasonous group and can betray the struggle of the Eritrean people any time. In principle, we recognized Shaebia was a strong national force, but its treacherous behavior deprives it the credibility of being reliable and trustworthy. It was not. The
        coup had also a huge political danger for Ethiopia. The Ethiopian people were never fond of General X or General Y. Our struggle was to create the equality based on unity of the people. On the Eritrean side, meanwhile, there was a book written by Eritreans which said the struggle of the Eritrean people for
        independence would never be successful because the struggle for independence is not a just demand. The cover of the book depicts an AK-47 rifle placed up side down. However, we (TPLF) published about 200 or 300 books and reversed the position of the AK-47 rifle from the bottom up. The book was titled: “The struggle of the Eritrean people would never be placed up side down.”

        Therefore, in all fairness, all Eritrean groups wouldn’t add up to the efficiency, clear policy stands and the huge sacrifice paid by TPLF to anchor the independence of Eritrea.

        We were suspicious that EPLF would betray the Eritrean struggle for independence. Meles said – given the wavering stand of EPLF – that we may face the danger of betrayal on the part of EPLF. It is at that time that Meles wrote the book: “The Eritrean struggle: From where to where?”The book
        became a thorn in the flesh of Shaebia but a source of courage for the Eritrean people. Everybody knows this. Shaebia members know it. The enemy knows it.

        This doesn’t mean Shaebia didn’t fight for Eritrean independence. Afterall, Shaebia was a strong national force, i.e. militarily. It was a well-organized group with a strong army. Politically speaking, however, we never ruled out that Shaebia was a weak, submissive force that could one day give in to the enemy. We’ve stated this time and again. We were fearful that Shaebia would surrender but that fear was dispelled because we took measures that would block Shaebia from surrendering to the enemy.
        Despite showing signs of surrender, however, Shaebia managed to finish the journey to independence. All said, even at the present time, there is no force on Earth that would fight for the independence of Eritrea more than the EPRDF-led government of Ethiopia. Our firm principle on the independence of
        Eritrea is not what we withdraw when we feel angry, and endorse when we feel good about Eritrea. On our part, we believe the people of Eritrea know very well – except a few members of the Shaebia leadership – that the EPRDF-led government of Ethiopia is the one and only force that would defend the
        independence of Eritrea. In short, the Eritrean people are very well aware of the fact that no force matches the power of the EPRDF-led government to defend and support the independence of Eritrea.

        • “there is no force on Earth that would fight for the independence of Eritrea more than the EPRDF-led government of Ethiopia.” How many Eritreans will fall for this? Even if Eritreans want to revise their decisions of independence today, as the EPLF once tried to do, the EPRDF with TPLF at its head will fight again to keep Eritrea independent. What a nice way to keep Eritrea and Eritreans at bay from the affairs of Ethiopia.

          The majority of Ethiopians and especially the young generation do not care at all about Eritrean independence, which means that there is no force
          outside the EPRDF that can put Eritrean independence in danger. Ethiopian opposition groups do not count anymore. They are soothing their failures and their old age with glasses of Johnny walker, and they see their political power within the bottles of Black Label they consume. (By the way, it is said that Ethiopians are
          one of the biggest consumers of Black Label whisky).

          This is a clever way of keeping the Eritrean people in the quagmire and bondage they are in. It is a good way of keeping the status quo, block the way towards economic and political cooperation with Ethiopia, sustain the flight of the young, the free fall of the Eritrean economy and the standard of living,
          and much more keeping in power DIA and the PFDJ, who are doing an excellent job in killing Eritrea, etc, until….. I do not want to say until when. Not a single word outside the independence scenario. Nothing about why Ethiopia and Eritrea can and should work together, whether Eritrea is independent or in some sort of relation with Ethiopia.

        • guest

          as an ethiopian i just want thank tplf for their firm principle on the independence of eritrea, it is excellent police for ethiopia too.

        • Tesfabirhan WR

          Dear abrham,

          I don’t have any idea on the TPLF political discourse and for this I hinted T.Kifle several times. And still, I don’t want too. What matters for me is Ethiopian political discourse. What I believe is, both countries should respect each other first and simultaneously build country-to-country relationship.

          We should not let it down the Eri-Ethio politics to the level of PFDJ-TPLF/EPRDF politcs. It is much greater. We should think for the future generations and forecast the political evolution or dynamism. I believe that despite the current policies, both countries will have strongest country-to-country relationship. It is not a political choice but a reality check for “PEACE and DEVELOPMENT”. Else, it is just simply chauvinistic.

          Saying this, knowing the little knowledge I have on current Ethiopian politics, the said above (your share) is a good lesson to Eritrean school of chauvinists, the reformers.


    • Amanuel Hidrat


      Unless you are doing it purposely, you don’t understand what is written on the board or you don’t understand English. Where did I say PFDJ shouldn’t be part of the process? Why did I promote for, to start on “equal level field” and “independent technocrats”. Isn’t it for the forces of change (oppositions) and PFDJ supporters that should start from the same footing that I am arguing for? Your body Saay want the PFDJ-2 to take the power of transition. Doesn’t that somehow the difference of ideological take off or call it “value system” we are debating for? Of course they will tell you no. But in reality it is. Your sickness of name calling doesn’t spare me even if I tried to prod you to be a nice boy. What kind of world you are living?

      • Nitricc

        Aman, what I have said is my understanding of the debate between you and SAAY. I just reset the table so people can have a better understanding. By no means I am taking sides, I am simply expressing my understanding. It is MY understanding that ….is
        You are not for reformed PFDJ? Are you?
        You don’t oppose Ethiopia interferences in Eritrea affairs? Do you?
        And you agreed with TS’s aproch in total eradication of PFDJ and agreed PFDJ should never be part of any change.
        at the same token.
        SAAY wanted reformed PFDJ.
        SAAY opposes any Ethiopian interference.
        If you read my post those points are my underlining content of what I said.
        Now, which part do you think I am misrepresenting you? or misunderstanding you.

      • Kokhob Selam

        Forget about him. He is actually trying to Find afriend somewhere at the end days of pfdj.

  • Amanuel Hidrat


    The “bill of right” is the only part of the document that we have to retain. To tell you frankly, if you take the structure of the government “centralized unitary government” out of it, the whole document will be dismantled. Because a constitution as a “political document”, is always framed within the “nature of the government” we envisioned collectively. Then and only then it becomes a uniting factor. Nothing else my friend.
    Amanuel Hidrat

  • Hayat Adem

    Dear Emma,
    I read it a bit late and that gave me the advantage of incorporating some of the good feed backs. The one take home message is PFDJ is a well structured functional system that has a power and resource base, and that system is called totalitarian. When people see the now-and-then unpredictable and irrational moves of IA, they mistake it for haphazardness and spontaneity. They also feel because Eritrea doesn’t exercise constitutional practices and conventional judiciary, and transparent governance, they tend to believe PFDJ simply operates at whim and without working fundamentals. Part of the misconception comes from the false and misleading personality projections by IA. He uses this deception effectively and he seems to have perfected it as an art of office operation. Of course, he has a strong system. Organizations such as PFDJ can not survive without a stronger and efficient system to sustain the abnormal and illegitimate status quo. When they find it nearly impossible to push with the status quo as is, they go for their 2nd best plan: reform.
    The transition can be handled in 100 different better ways, and the Tunisia model can be picked as one. The only problem would be we haven’t developed non-partisan national institutions and what ever institutions we have now belong to PFDJ. It would be unavoidable for some of them to function and get diluted in the process but I can see the transition becoming inevitably messy and very lengthy. Eritrea would benefit better to massively involve faith organizations, CBOs and CSOs, Activists, Artists, Academic and Research centers as much as political organizations.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Dear Hayat,

      Thank you for your feed back. Your last sentence “Eritrea would benefit better to massively involve faith organizations, CBOs and CSOs, Activists, Artists, Academic and Research centers as much as political organizations” will hopefully be part of EGS and EFND agenda. We are looking for similar approaches and we shall see as we go forward. Please keep your valuable ideas to flow and enlighten us, and don’t be discouraged by name calling.

      Amanuel Hidrat

      • Berhan Beyan

        Selam Amanual,
        In addition to your idea of transition led by technocrats, we should consider Natinal Unity Government and we should define the National Unity Government so that we can have a stable Transitional period to constitutional government,

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Merhaba Berhan Beyan,

          Whether we call it “Government of national unity” or “Care taker government” it is all the same for me. We could call it either one.
          Thank you.
          Amanuel Hidrat

          • Saleh Johar

            Emma, you are doing great engaging with all commentators. I just wanted to say that. Good job.

  • Tzigereda

    Dear Awatistas,
    A/The constitution…Back to 1997…

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Sis Tzigereda & All,

      Before I comment on Zemheret’s interview, I have a question to awatistas – a question raised by an Eritrean brother yesterday when we were discussing about Eritrean Values. The question was, what are the values we Eritreans hold true dearly? I have never frozen or jammed with a political question. But with this one, I was stuck. I couldn’t get an answer that satisfy him. Everything I tried he disqualified my answers with “reality checks”. Let me see your answers if they are different from those I have tried to give him – nonetheless unsatisfactory.

      Amanuel Hidrat

      • haileTG

        Selamat Emma,

        I have no answer, but a little reflection. Can we speak of an Eritrean value to bigen with? Have Eritreans had the chance to forge a “common value” in the recent post independence era? Isn’t this where our independence movement failed? After the realization of Eritrea ( a nation out of its various groups), we didn’t embark on the task of forging a “national identity”. That would have been the basis to identify the value most defining of that identity. If I am not wrong, most people use use Eritrea/Habesha interchaengibly and they are mostly refering to a stereotypical highland, christian traditions and cultures. Can we speak of an “Eritrean value” in real sense/meaning of the phrase given? I fear not.


        • Amanuel Hidrat

          You were one of the few in my mind who will at least try to come with an answer. Humm, slowly we are becoming to understand our reality – how the alien culture of EPLF/PFDJ effaced or obliterated the culture we were proud of. We were a society who cares each other. We were a society who respect our individual and group identities. Gone those era, unless we root out the alien culture that paralyzed us from regaining our true nature that defines “our values and our national identities.” The uphill battle to regain those values isn’t that easy now.

          Amanuel Hidrat

          • Elenta

            Selam Amanuel,

            Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness seems the national value for Americans .Other democratic western countries claims the same value as the Americans. But when it comes to Africa the feed back you get is a little
            bit complicated and thus you will not get a clear and definite answer on their national value.

            Is caring for each other and respecting our individual and group identities belongs to Eritrean culture only?

            Can you name alien EPLF/PFDJ culture that is imposed on Eritrea?

            I don’t think you,Haile TG, SGJ and other are strugling to bring or restore Eritrean culture or identity. Because I know democracy,freedom of religion, womens right.freedom of expression , social justice are not an Eritrean thing.

            We have abusive and autocratic government lead by IA in Eritrea. Eritreans are struggling to remove the system to install a democratic government that is accountable to its citizens. Period. Its better to stop playing with cultural and identity politics.Because no single culture or religion defines Eritrean Identity.

            Finally,any culture is dynamic and we don’t expect Eritrean culture to be stagnant. Look the way we dress, the way we speak, the food we eat, the way we celebrate our holidays and marriage ceremonies, the way we interchange gifts, the way you chooses your life partner. They are not Eritrean. They are based on alien culture. These alien cultures are mostly from west (not from Arab) and they are not imposed by EPLF.
            These western cultures are affecting our family structure. I believe family structure is the strongest factor that preserves our culture.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Ahlen Elenta,
            Two things from your comment make it easy in responding to your argument (A) I can insinuate that you believe on social justice (check the last sentence of your first paragraph) (b) you also said that there no single culture or religion that defines Eritrean identity. Okay Elenta, do you know the reason why? Here are my reasons (a) Eritrea is a mutlti-ethic and multi-religious society and hence we are “a nation of diversity.” Other than “Eritreanism” we don’t have common identities (lesson-1). The importance of social justice is paramount in a diversified society than in a single cultured society. There are a vivid marginalization in Eritrea even though we have a totalitarian regime. We have to recognize the grievances of our social groups. All grievances are not the same and each grievance should be addressed. So learn the grievances of your society before even try to talk about social justice (lesson-2). Until we have a common understanding on what social justice means for Eritreans we can’t talk how to retain the mosaic of our culture.

            Amanuel Hidrat

          • haileTG

            Selam Elenta,

            I am not clear how you concluded that “I know democracy,freedom of religion, womens right.freedom of expression , social justice are not an Eritrean thing.” That is simply a disturbing notion to hold. Prejudices aside, what is “Eritrean” to you? Above all, what are you prepared to pay in order to hold on to your perception of what and how “Eritrean” be defined?

            In my old and naive days, I use to scorn at the way some Israeli look at the Palestinian issue, because no one would have known better than them about the sad and perilous situation of statelessness. As Eritreans, we were supposed to understand what it means to have the right to self govern, yet we are no more smarter after all that historic and costly legacy. The truth of the matter is however, either the concept of domination has to be removed (most importantly from the mind of those who feel that their livelihood has been dominated), or the dominated people must be silenced, ignored or even vanquished.

            Sadly, obstinacy and refusal to answer the call of justice, is a losing battle. It will eventually be a battle you will fight alone and one that will prove very hard to win (if at all). Mengistu had a certain view of Ethiopia, that view was deaf and blind to what we were aspiring and other oppressed Ethiopians were aspiring. To deny the suffering and desperate situation of an oppressed people may not be the right way at all. You need to see your people in the eye and meet them in equal footing. Unless of course, you believe that there are no oppressed minority views in Eritrea. Freedom of their religion is their thing, oh yeah democratic rights to live in their traditional ways is their thing, even their women to own their sons and husbands is their thing, our thing, every body’s thing. Not matters that have to be begged from the whims of belligerent oppressors (such as the regime and the system it has planted). Over and above every thing, peace and liberty is our thing, that we should ALL have equally and with humility. Otherwise, whatever it is you covet at the expense of your other part, would undoubtedly lead you to lose it big time.


          • Abraham Hanibal

            Dear Haile;

            I feel you’ve misunderstood the sentence “I know democracy,freedom of religion, womens right.freedom of expression , social justice are not an Eritrean thing.”, written by Elenta. This is how I understood it: Elenta says that he/she doesn’t think you’re struggling to bring or restore Eritrean culture or identity, and hence if you’re struggling for democracy, freedom of religion, women’s right, right of freedom of expression, social justice, etc, these do not only belong to Eritrea, but rather they’re international values.
            Otherwise, I’m with you in your views that if there are minority groups in Eritrea who feel their ways of life, and culture is adversely affected, then it should be addressed and alleviated.

          • Elenta

            I can’t add more,Thanks.

          • Mahmud Saleh

            With all due respect, apart from Enenta name mentioning which is unfortunate, I think he/she is refering to the fact that the word “value” is vague and could be described slightly different depending on the field in which it’s discussed. Amanuel’s question was not specific. What values is he talking about? We do have family values, religious values, ethnic specific cultural values; and like any other peoples, we do have national values. The national values make us different than Ethiopia, sudan, Djibouti, etc. These are values that recognize we are one out of more than nine social groups, values that stick us together; values that make us look after one another. The reason why you and Amanuel care for our minorities, the reason why you guys care for equitable share of power and resource with non-highlanders (non-christians) and the reason why I (a lowlander Muslim care about the exodus of our highland youth is a testimony that we do have a shared value. We truly believe we are one family. There are other universal values such as hard working, good neighborliness, being just, respect of life, communal and altruistic values, patriotism…which we share with all humanity. The tricky part is when one speaks about a common culture or a common cultural values. There, you nailed it, and I concur with you. Actually, there is no common cultural values in the strict sense. The reason we speak of a cultural value is because there are different or slightly differing cultural values. For Amanuel: What’s Ethiopian value? What’s Sudanese Value? What’s American value? Is American value different than Canadian, or than a British value, for that matter? Thanks to Hollywood and the world of literature and arts, they are about the same. Of course you will have subsets in any seeemingly homogeneous cultural landscape. Is Eritrean Value different than Ethiopian? That’s what elenta is referring to. Of course, as is my personal principle, I don’t endorse name calling, but I want you to read it again.
            I think Amanuel knows broaching these sorts of broad questions and concepts is counter productive. He wanted to make homage to his favorite “EPLF/ELF” DICHOTOMY. It’s sad. Move on Amanuel. Be part of the change by playing a forward looking agent.
            It’s unfortunate your strong side is being overshadowed by your disturbing deep-rooted hateful sentiments frequently expressed in your blanket condemnation of EPLF. You are looking solution at the wrong place of history. EPLF is bigger than IA, and certainly bigger than you. You can’t erase its legacy. Period. PFDJ’s first victim is EPLF and the legacy of tens of thousands of heroes who given their precious life under the banner of EPLF. As long as you keep mixing PFDJ and EPLF just to make your decades old grudges more emphasized, I will be reluctant to take you seriously. One sentence of your comment made me write this. You can figure it out.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Selam Mahmuday,

            This is your second time you are accusing me with political grudges. First the question was a simple question from a citizen of ours who is from the experience of EPLF background like you; which I didn’t want to state it for obvious reason to avoid this accusation at the beginning. Nevertheless, I am always your personal target. That is how the Eritrean politics it is. Why is this simple question which says : ” what are the values we Eritreans hold true dearly collectively” touched your nerve I don’t understand it. Without going to characterization, do Eritreans saw alien culture in our current Eritrea? If your answer is no, I will let it others to answer for you. If your answer is yes, then who brought this alien culture to our people? The question of the honest citizen was specific, it is about collective value we hold true at this stage of our history. It wasn’t even about social grievances. Look yourself and your answer and judge yourself whether your answer were addressing precisely to his question. The answers I gave to Elenta has nothing to do with the original question. I just commented on her comment. I gave better short answer to the original question for the honest citizen and that is “Eritreanism” and “ultra-nationalism.” But he further asked me what are the value of Eritreanism and ultra-nationalism? Here is where I failed to get satisfactory answer.

            Mahmuday, I have never compared or contrasted the two organizations (EPLF and ELF) to make my point. Never at all, and it is for obvious reasons. I have qualms with ELF organization too. For that reason I left it for historians to sort it out. The current ruling organization is EPLF/PFDJ and hence the target of our debate. The organization is ruling the nation with its “value system.” If the current value system is dear to you and want to defend it, that is your choice and somehow you are doing anyway. I detest it. I am fighting for social justice that includes even to the supporters of the current value system, for I know the current value system doesn’t even work for them. I believe there is no justice without respecting their rights. Look an example when I call to start on “equal level field” you and others of the same background want to be run the “wishful transition”, if there will be, by PFDJ-2. You don’t have the sense of justice as simple as that. In my book that is the political grudges. Therefore, your accusation won’t stick on my back for I know the value I am promoting. It is the value of justice and respecting the rights of the marginalized sections of our society or social groups that is dear to me. If that is grudges in your book let it be. But for the sake of our people, please defend for the rights of our citizen rather than to the oppressive organization.

            Amanuel Hidrat

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear AManuel H.,

            With Mahmuday, it is aideological difference, no more no less. There will be collision here and there. What I am sure about is, “their mindset will not let them be free no matter how hard they try.” I understand, they want FREEDOM for the oppressed people but they don’t know how as their mechanism is the same as that of the oppressor.

            Rest, you are doing good and thank you for keeping your values being social and humanitarian centered. We read from an interview done between late Omer Jabir and Weldesus Amar that keeping values is the most important think in a political discourse.


          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Dear Tesfat,

            That is Saay’s and Mahmud’s problem. They don’t even recognize that I or (we) have ideological difference with them. They want to sweep it under the rag, and never stops from coming to the surface any way. Actually I wish if they would have been debated with us ideologically, for the current system has a clear ideological belief with a mechanism of enforcing it to the public – by reconstructing a new culture, a new social reconstruct, and new way of life, Eritrea has never see it before. A culture of disrespect, a social construct of “nehna nesu and nesu nehna”, a political reconstruct of one man rule, an economic structure that will be controlled by the party. What else did we see different than these. And of course it is given to it the “statecraft of Eritrea” we have to follow even in the absence of Issayas.

            Amanuel Hidrat

          • Fnote Selam

            Dear Amanuel,

            I have been following the discussion between you and Saay (and to some extent Mahmud). As I emphasize again and again, I am kind of newcomer to the Eritrean politics (and by no means expert). Having said that, I am yet to see significant ideological differences between you and Saay (and also Mahmud). Correct me if I am wrong but, all I see is different practical approaches (each with its cons and pros) in bringing about change in Eritrea.

            Thank you,


          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Dear Fonte Selam,

            Yes there is. Saay and Mahmuday support fully the EPLF’s charter of 1994 and the formation of PFDJ party. Here are some of the differences .The party ideological believe is – a party can own property and I don’t (as matter of fact that was the political difference between EPRDF and PFDJ when they tried to make various integrations in the 90s). (b) The party believes on centralized unitary government and I believe on decentralized unitary governance. These are some of the many related to them. Sorry rushing to work

          • Fnote Selam

            Dear Amanuel,

            The way I understand it, their views are not like the way you are presenting here. I don’t know if they are following this conversation, but I would like to ask them a few questions for clarification (Saay and Mahmud, I am hoping you will take the time to answer):-

            Part I

            1. In your opinion, is EPLF = PFDJ?

            2. Do you FULLY (100%) support charter of EPLF ?

            These are of course theoretical questions, because in reality PFDJ (let alone EPLF) doesn’t exist, but the answer to these questions might help me understand the perceived ideological differences between both of you and Amanuel?

            Part II

            1. Do you think a party can own property?

            2. Do you believe on centralized unitary government or decentralized governance?

            BTW, does EPRDF or any of its coalition parties own any property? (anyone can help me answer this question).

            Thank you,


          • saay7

            Selamat FS:

            I hope this answers your question. Having said that, by no means do I want to deny emma the awesome fun he is having arguing with strawmen, which appears to have grown from a mere hobby to a religion:)



          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear saay7,

            I read your work (of July 2001). Thank you again as always, which I have great respect with. But you are stucked in your “Reform” formula.

            In your conclusion, you wrote, “The PFDJ should dismantle itself and reinvent itself after it reevaluates its assumptions.”

            And on the introduction part, you wrote, “In politics, the name of the game is self-preservation and I cannot think of a single political party, I mean “front”, that has dissolved itself.”

            Isn’t this two self contradictory. By what standards can PFDJ be dismantled itself and re-invent by itself? What are the mechanisms? Do you expect Fidel Castro to renounce communism and snowflakes to fall on hell. (just to use your own argument).

            If PFDJ was able to be reinvented by itself, the G-15 movement was enough.

            The good thing is, dismantling process of PFDJ is an on-going process and unlike your argument, it is not from within itself but a continuous decay of its value system.

            the rest, I have seen a change in your stand on “Foreign Policy.”

            By refereing the Charter, you wrote, “”….In order to preserve the peace and harmony we acquired after a long struggle, it is essential that we strive for peace and stability at both regional and global levels, notwithstanding our limited capabilities.[emphasis mine]” I believe our foreign policy should give strong recognition to our “limited capabilities.”

            Why then you changed your very peace loving rebutal of the PFDJ involement on other countries and treat Ethiopia as the main threat for Eritrean sovereignity?

            Else,on the Social Justice issue you brilliantly cross-analysed, I am with you. Social Justice is not good for economy and hence I am very critical on its ideology.

            Move on saay7, close your school of Reformers and join us in the dismantlement of PFDJ not from within but as a total and never to be given a chance for re-inventing itself, to use SGJ words, “Lets Weed-Out”.


          • Semere Andom

            Hi Tes:
            Let Sal finish his Tsom 30 first. Eritrwaiyan mechem, retirement zbhal aytfeltun ikum. Your president does not retire, your opposition leaders do not retire, your singer like Bereket and Alamin do not retire. retire kynigebir retire gerna ena eritrawiyan:-)
            I am more worried about Sal’s losing his sense of humor than his politics in 2015. Please forward a follow up question to Emma:-)
            Happy new year to you both

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear Sem,

            Sal is having his humor with Nitricc on Jebena but Haqi could not show up and is not complete because of Nitriccay’s skrimish with me.

            Seriously though: Their school is sometimes is very pragmatic though their formula is static. Worst is, they have now a new tool, EDF, to make their mission happen.

            Oh, I forgot that sal is in Tsom. Enteti nay retirment ko, kidenay??? kemti zibelkayo yu negeru.


          • Kokhob Selam

            እዋእ!! ኩሉ ግዜ ኣገራሚ ኣገላልጻ ኣይትስእንን ኢኻ ሰመረ : ናይ ሎሚ ‘ ሞ ናይ ሓቅታት ሓቂ እያ ነይራ :: ይገርም እኳ እዩ ::

            ኩንትራት ኣይንፈልጥ ስርዓት መካየዲ –

            ዝ ሓዘ ኣይገድፍ ናይ ስልጣን መኣዲ –

            ጡረታ የብልና ወላ ውን ኣብ ንእዲ –

            ከይዕረፍና ጉዕዞ ናብ ቀብሪ ናብ ላሕዲ :: –

            ፖለቲካ ናትና ሓውሲ ስኽራን ዕብዳን –

            ኪነት ጥበብ ሙዚቃ ዘይቅይሮ እርጋን –

            ሓንሳብ ዝሓዝናዮ ዘይቅየር ዘይጽገን –

            ሓቀኛ ኣብ ሞንገና ይነብር ከዕየንይን ::

            ክላ ይጽረ ደጊም ይእከል ብሎ :-

            ሓዲሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ንድሑር ይዓብልሎ ::

          • Nitricc

            FS my take just from what i think
            Part I
            1) yes, EPLF like a person in his/her 20s. productive, creative, daring and full of ideas. PFDJ at its current status, aged, at the end of its existence. so, look at it on that light.
            2) yes, EPLF character and legacy will take Eritrea where no other African country went. I am EPLF! i will inherent EPLF characters!

            Part II

            1) yes till a country stands on its own feet and till the privet sector fully develops. if not the social justice will suffer and the gap between the haves and the have nots will be too great to over come.

            2) what is the difference? does it matter? UK is using centralized and the USA is decentralized. the point is when you have robust economy and your infrastructure is up and running it does not matter but with likes of Africa, centralized is the best option. of course all concerning ethics should make up the centralized government. but once you reached developed stage, does not matter.
            EPRDF and Ala-Mudi owns 95% of Ethiopian properties from. that is the main reason EPRDF is one of the most corrupted one.

          • haileTG

            Mahmuday, response is ‘pending’ in desqus, I’ll follow it up after it reappears:)

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear haile TG,

            I just again want to tahnk you to talk and pursue the social grievances of our oppressed society. The Afar case, which I peronally experienced in 2007, when I visited Assab for 10 brief days, is an issue that we should discuss in detail and put our support on the questions raised by RASDO.

            The Afar Diaspora society recently responded to EPDP’s editorial work and it is very quite to understand their political stand. No one is an Eritrean more than them, but are outcasted from their economic resources. It is shame on PFDJ’s economic policies banning the Afar people from fishing activity and let them depend on monthly coupon. Who on earth can imagine, people who live in the sea to receive lentiles and soyabean oil while the fish that is a free gift of nature is already ich in its protien source and fish oil.

            Good job and continue to bring the social grievances to the surface.


            ++ I read on, the response given to EPRD’s editorial recently by the Afar Diaspora society but now, I couldn’t find it there.

            ++EPDP, if they are fordemocracy, they should allow a comment section and only in that way, they can advance their democratic doctrine, if they are for it.

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Dear Elenta,

            The same is also present in France: Liberté (Freedom), Egalité (Equality), Fraternité (Brotherhood), which appeared in their constitution for the first time in 1958 but was an outcome of the 1789 French revolution.

            these three French collective values are manifested through all means possible and everytime they mention it and this traces back their national identity.

            For Eritrea: Nikah, Tewedeb, Teatek!

            Be conscious, Organize and Fight!

            Aha, still on the revolution era!

            Well, this is what PFDJ is doing. We don’t have any revolutionary legacy actually that we could have brought to the public after 1991. Still, we are on the revolution era!


      • Tzigereda

        Dear Emma,

        I asked a good friend what he understands by ” Eritrean values”, and here is what he replied:

        ” Kbrtat d’a meliu!
        1.Habo and tznAt to begin with: especially since gedli. I’m not sure whether we can equate it to “resoluteness” and “consistency”.
        2.tiEgsti (negativ?): refer to iziwn kHalf iyu and almost all the songs of Abrham Afewerki
        3. mtHlilayn mtHgegazn: in bereavement or happy events. Include all the forms of cooperative spirit of Uqub, maHber enda, maHber gezawti,maHber Adi,enda Hazen… Mention one minority in the diaspora, that accomodates, celebrates and competes in these values in such an impressive modus. The kHalfelfa culture of Gedli raised it to a higher and more vigorous power
        4.nationalism – as in the sense of identification and attachment to one’s origin and nation/Adi, Weledo, Enda…better acclaimed in the tigrigna version “hagerawnet”. I don’t mean “born in the USA-song”. Beyond the traditional/cultural value of ane wedi ikele, “gual tzaEda!” I mean the positive and strong sense of Eritreanness and pride of being a part of. Refer to Abeba Haile as a continuation of the same token abey iyu Adki ilom Hatitomuni. By that I mean this value has again immeasurably been promoted by gedli
        5. education: I personally believe that the deep desire and thirst for knowledge is an integral part of the Eritrean values that has been cultivated by gedli. It made a virtue of necessity. Every piece of written work was hunted and compiled. Every written piece of work that made its way to meda was hunted and compiled “Anbibkayo do? AleqHanaba…”. A number of ex-tegadelti upgraded their educational status, starting from elementary level to postgraduate program. This attitude is still holding in the society
        6.akbrot Abeyti: very important and irrefutable.
        7. To fight for what we believe: Remember the whole world said Eritrea would never be an independent country. We fought
        for it. At the same time: we hate fighting one another. And that’s why there is not much desire for militarily uprooting Isaias because that means we will fight each other.During the civil war, eritreans descended on the field to stop the fighting. During the PFDJ infighting in 2001, elders jumped in to stop the fighting. Even Wedi Ali was defeated because we hate fighting each other.”
        I fully agree with his statment!

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Merhaba Sis. Tzegereda,

          I am not sure all those values listed does reflect to the current Eritrea. What I hear from those who goes back and forth to our country have the opposite account. I am afraid your friend is talking about the past. The gentleman who asked me the question is one who lived during ghedli, who gave a quarter of his age to ghedli, and who fortunately make it to to see independence by a mere chance, for he was always in the forefront of the battles. I made him aware to follow the debate and we shall see what his response will be. Sister, unless you are like me who didn’t see his birth place since he was pushed off from the field involuntarily, I was also expecting your own judgement about the current Eritrea.
          Amanuel Hidrat

    • Semere Andom

      Hi Tzigereda;
      Yea, have you forgotten our slogan, “bado sgumti neqdmit ,10 sugumti ndhrit gin, abi gin eti laeleway edi natna, ewe nay baelna eyu” 😉

  • Mahmud Saleh

    Dear All,
    On this Geez/Habesha Christmas;
    I wish you Happy New Year.May the year 2015 be a year of peace and solution.

    • Berhe Y

      Dear Mahmud,

      Thank you for the best wishes and happy new year to you.

      It’s painful to see shabait and PfDJ calls it Geez/habesha Christmas but please do not repeat it.

      There are many countries such as Russia, Ukraine, Egypt, Armenia, Syria, Greek, Ethiopia and others who celebrate the same day.

      Why on earth PFDJ decided to change it, I have no idea. May be it’s another of the dictator doing. Otherwise why if the church hasn’t changed it, including the Catholic Church in Eritrea what does government have a reason to do so.


      • Mahmud Saleh

        Dear Berhe Y
        I am aware of its history and thank you for sharing the link. I used the expression used around me, I see people greeting that way. I know it’s also called በዓል ልደት in Tigrigna and የልደት ገና/በዓል in Amharic (if I’m not mistaken).
        I will stress in its spiritual meaning rather than politicking about it, I don’t think PFDJ has changed the date, it’s celebrated today in Eritrea. Just to complete the story otherwise, I don’t see much in it.
        So, happy beAl ldet again.
        When are we going to see both patriarchs breaking the dividing fense and exchanging greeting directly? That would be brave, and historic.
        Again happy Christmas.

        • Berhe Y

          Dear Mahmud,

          You are correct it’s better to focus on the sprit. Ruhus BeAl ldet would be appropriate.

          I was not trying to make argument for the sake of argument but I don’t understand the rational behind it. If I am not mistaken Dec 25 is also celebrated as Christmas day in Eritrea? Is it not, at least that is the “old information that I had” and people call it nay tegadelti lidet.

          Dec 25 is Tsom (fasting) during and it’s not really celebration if one follows the Orthodox faith in Eritrea and the Catholic for that matter.

          For the longest time, I thought may be because we changed the calendar which use to be called as “Ethiopian/Geez Calendar” to “European Calendar” in theory Julian and Gregorian Calendar, that’s probably the reason they chose to celebrate on Dec 25. that’s my guess.

          But I can’t help it when an official ministry of information have such makes you wonder do these people actually know what they are talking about or what they doing really. Must they experiment in everything?

          “Patriarch gives benediction in connection with Geez Christmas.”

          • Semere Andom

            Hi Berhe and Mahmud:
            Mahmud, better be nice to our friend (mine and Sal’s and Gad’s) Berhe, Berhe Mahmud is the trouble maker we discussed in our meeting #200* whether to take “sewrawi sugumti”* or not:-)
            Berhe, why are you surprised that PFDJ changed the name. you know they changed the historical provinces, they took away the right of one ethnic group and assigned it to an other one. You may remember ELF also counted 9 ethnic groups but The Rashaidas were not one, there was one called “Elit”. PFDJ took that away and they merged them with one other ethic group, I am not sure which one. They denied the Jeberties of their aspiration to be considered a nation given their cultural and religious uniqueness, they told them they are Tigriniya or else to go invent their own language. They change the word for citizens, now we are residents of Eritrea, residents of zoba, not Eritreans citizens. They do not call you Christians or Muslims, they call you a follower of Christian faith or Muslim faith. They tell you Arabic is not your language, there is no official language, there is just working language,as if language is a mere tool like a knife, divorcing its cultural ties. They eliminated the euphemism of he language and replaced it with harsh and vulgar works. “Arifu” is “tekariju”, “atum” is “ata sebay”
            And lastly but not least they attempted to change the Geeze Alphabets of Tigiriniya to the Latin Alphabets so all Erirtrean languages can be written, destroying the Geeze heritage, their idea of equality. For some reason this did not materialize. I am shocked you are shocked.
            I could have gone on and on but I promised Mahmud have un written deal 😉
            * Mahmuday, it is joke/waza/taEliq 🙂

          • Mahmud Saleh

            Abu Noah
            You are let go for the sake of observing peaceful holiday week. Sawrawi Sgumti awaits you though.
            RHus BeAal ldet.

        • haileTG

          Mahmuday, Rhus be’al lidet to you too. The Patriarch wish is good spirited and I second that but let’s remember that the Eritrean Orthodox Patriarch is under house arrest. He was forcefully removed from his position as the head of the church in contravention of the church’s rules. As a result, the Eritrean Orthodox Church has long been disconnected from its roots Alexandria. Eritrea’s current Patriarch was only anointed in the presence of high ranking PFDJ officials, Military and Zonal Commanders and Hagos Kisha and Yemane Charlie. He had routinely been turned down from attending world conferences and seminars of the Orthodox Church because his appointment hasn’t been endorsed as per the church’s rules.

          NB: Dear AT, you’s poster says Rhus be’al qudus yohannes (normally September 1 in Geez Calendar)?

          • Mahmud Saleh

            Ahlan HTG
            Yes, you’re right. I was pondering for finding an expression of good wish, otherwise, the situation is as you described. The ordeal of the church and its patriarch is symptomatic of what our country is going through.
            RHus beAal.

  • Abraham Hanibal

    Here is my view regarding the transition to Democracy in Eritreea.

    1) The first and most dounting task Eritreans are facing today is the removal of PFDJ-dictatorship.

    2) Formation of a transitional government from technocrats as Mr. Amanuel Hidrat has proposed. The tasks of this government would be to lead the day-to-day activities of the government, based on a transtional action plan, and the facilitation of efforts that would lead to democracy.

    3) The transitional government takes a decision on the fate of the PFDJ financial and economic assets and the fate of the organization as a whole. In my view all the assets should be nationalised with the aim of eventually privatizing them, and the organization should cease to exist. The transitional government also has to decide on the fate of those PFDJ officials who’ve blood in their hands. My view is they should be brought before a special tribunal set up to handle their cases. Decision has also to be taken regarding the possibility or impossibility of wether former PFDJ-cadres, and activists could form political parties. In my view, as members of the society these people have also to be given the chance to organize political parties, but any criminals have to face justice first.

    4) The transitional government appoints Committees of party-formation law and election law from among the existing political parties, civic societies, and experts.

    5) After eventually new political parties are formed and the existing political parties revise their programs to conform to the new party-formation law, national elections take place for a National Assembly. An Election Commision would be appointed from all the political parties, sivic societies, and experts to oversee the elections are held in a free and fair manner and according to the election law. The Election Commission ensures also that the elections are monitored by international observers.

    6) The elected National Assembly, in conjuction with the Transitional Government leads and organizes the process of drafing the new Eritrean Constitution through a Constitution Commission whose members should be approved by the National Assembly. The Constitution Commission ensures the full participation of the general public in the process of drafting the const., and reports to the National Assembly regarding the progress of the work.
    7) A new government takes over after the ratification of the Const. by the National Assembly, and according to the provisions of the new Const.

    • haileTG

      Selam Abraham,

      #1 is where I am spending more time thinking about. Because, that really is going to decide how things will play out really.

      – Popular uprising, military takeover or some kind of surgical removal of the leadership may give rise to the possibility of the bulk of what is on the ground remaining there and better chances for rule of law forces to stay intact.

      – On the other hand, if you end up having several militia/armed groups springing up and starting to engage the regime in various directions, it will be a very tricky situation to forecast how we’ll move to #2.

      The danger is that the IA dictatorship is an established dictatorship because it has reached a stage where none of the high ranking members of its regime can challenge him. Say for example, in 2001 IA didn’t have the kind of control on its regime as he does now. Again, most of its administration will have to face justice for those behind bars now would demand it too. And this makes them less likely to cooperate to effect change. Hence, it appears that #1 is the huge elephant that we must turn our attention to. It will be a make or break situation because it is hard to see one unified force taking over but a coordinated action driven by several different groups.

      What is your take on the realistic scenario as far as #1 is concerned.


      • Abraham Hanibal

        Selam Haile;

        I support for a way of struggle through the full involvement of the people both inside and outside Eritrea. This struggle would be achieved through a popular uprising inside Eritrea, with support from the armed forces.The great majority of Eritreans both inside and outside the country, are victims of the wrong and failed policies of the PFDJ-dictatorship. This means the majority wishes a change to the better in the affairs of their country. What is still lacking is the determination and courage, and willingness to transfer from wish to action. In my opinion, each of us, especially Eritreans in diaspora, should begin the struggle by boycotting the PFDJ-regime in all aspects: economically, politically, diplomatically, socially, financially, etc. Instead, we’ve to direct all these and morale support towards the forces of change inside and outside the country.

        The opposition groups, civic, and human rights organizations, technocrats and academicians in the diaspora should form a united umbrella organization that would lead the organization of the people outside the country, and map out the details of the transitional period. They should be able to show and express their plan of action as to how the transition period would be to the Eritrean people. In addition to this, it is important that forces outside the country liaise with those inside the country and help them in forming clandestine movement. It is also important that efforts be made inside the country to ensure the support of some political and military leaders within the regime. Here, we should be prepared that the Isayas regime would not hesitate to try and crush any popular uprising by force through its security apparatus and the Demhit forces.This necessitates that we’ve to be able to enlist members of the EDF that would come to the rescue of the revolting people. I know this process is not that easy, and some blood could be spilt under the process. But if we can succeed to mobilize the people in their tens of thousands, the process would be easier to handle. Under this process, the diaspora Eritreans should stand by the side of their compatriots inside the country offering their support through the above mentioned ways.
        God/ Allah be with us in our struggle for a better Eritrea.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Merhaba Abrahm,

      I am glad that you came to a conclusion that the 1997 constitutional document is not a “uniting factor” and as result you foresee for a new one. The rest of your proposals are not different from mine. It is rare occasions that debates could bring us to common understanding. But here is one…….and I will count more as we continue forward.

      To enrich your politico-legalese, I have suggested to you to read about CUG and DUG, two important concepts pertinent to the future contractual document, what we call it “a constitution”.

      Amanuel Hidrat

      • Abraham Hanibal

        Hi Amanuel H.,
        Though you’re trying to portray it as if there is no any difference between your and my suggestions, I will try to pinpoint the major differences between our views regarding the transition process to Democracy in Eritrea.

        1) It is undeniable fact that the former EPLF and now PFDJ (though with lots of differences), as an organization has been a central and major player in the political and socio-economic life of Eritrea for good or worse for many decades. This means one has to address this reality in preparing the way forward for a democratic transition. One has to reach on decision as to how deal with those who’ve committed crimes against the People. Those suspected of criminal acts should be detained in anticipation of a fair trial. But those who’re not implicated in crimes, in my view the bulk of the People in the PFDJ system, should be given a chance to have a say in the transition to democracy. You’ve also to understand that just like the current oppositin parties in the diaspora, the remnants of an eventually dismantled PFDJ, also have a stake in the affairs of their country, for which they’ve struggled for decades and brought the Independence by leading the Eritrean People. This means they’ve to be allowed to participate in the process on equal footing with the current opposition parties either individually or as groups.
        This reality necessitates that we should have a party-formation law that would dictate the grouds upon which political parties could be formed. Once this law is in place, the existing political parties should revise their programs to conform to the spirit of the party-formation law, and new political parties could form according to this law. It is my strong belief that we should not allow the formation of political parties on the grounds of ethnicity and religion, because I believe that such parties do not serve the interests of unity, harmony, and collective prosperity. They even do not guarantee a fair representation of the people in all aspects of life.

        2) The second and most important differece between your suggestions and mine is the process of drafting and ratifying the new constitution. In my view this process should be as participatory of the People as it could be. And unlike your view, which is leaving this important process only to the existing political parties, civic organiations and experts; I’m suugestig this process should be handled by democraticallly elected people’s representatives. In addition to this, I’m proposing the People should be given full participation in the drafting process through public seminars and discussions.
        In conclussion, my personal view regarding the 97 Costitution is that it was reasonably representative to the MAJORITY of the people considering the historical development at that time. However, I’ve not suggested that any Eritrean or existing political parties today should endorse the const. as is. My view is that the people should be the owners of the process of building the const. and any new const. should be one that reflects the historical aspects, the curent realities, and future prospects of peace, harmony and collective prosperity of the Eritrean People.


        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Hi Abraham,
          Point-6 in your first comment talks about New constitution and do not call for the “1997 document”. Hence you change your old position advocating for the shelved constitution. That is important for me.

          Mine is talking about structural approach and I saw yours as compliment to my proposal. If you saw it as different, you may and I don’t mind haw abraham. I don’t want to to go “cold turkey” and have a good one.
          Amanuel Hidrat

          • Abraham Hanibal

            Hi Amanuel Hidrat;
            Please, Amanuel, don’t deviate from the main issue of my message; personally I still believe the 97 Const. was participatory to the majority of the people at that time, but neither now nor before have I said that the existing political parties should accept it as is. Even you’ve not ruled out the possiblity of overhauling that const. Anyhow the main issue is I’m saying the new constitution drafting and ratification process should be owned by the People through their democratically elected representatives. You’re saying only the current existing political parties, civic institutions and academicians should be given this very important mission. But I’m saying the process should be as representative and inclussive of the People as possible. And those remnants of the EPLF/PFDJ system who are not implicated in crimes also have stakes and should be included in the process of democratization of Eritrea.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Hi Abraham,
            I just quoted your words. Aren’t you calling for new constitution which ever body do the work of drafting? Mine is talking from whom the drafting committee will be formed. I didn’t hint even about the detail process. BTW, aren’t the none organized academicians, civic organizations are from our people who haven’t any political affiliation. You are arguing on none issue after alluding for new constitution. If you want to flip it back it is all yours (your choice). if your are for new one you are with me. If you believet we are not of the same view again take it as is. What is this all bragging. I gave you leeway – a margin of freedom by not arguing to your proposal. Can we have a closure now.

            Amanuel Hidrat

          • Abraham Hanibal

            Hi Amanuel,
            Why is this difficult to understand? I’m saying overhauliing the old or drafting a new one from scratch is not what matters. What matters is the process of drafting and ratifying the new const. should be handled by a DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED representative body of the people. You’re suggesting this important job be handled by appointees from the existing political groups, civic organizations and experts; but I’m suggesting the process should be owned by the People through their elected representatives and their active participation and ALL Eritreans have a stake on this, even those who come from the remnants of the EPLF/PFDJ system.

  • Abraham Hanibal

    I agree with those who’re claiming there is no such a pyramidal system of power hierarchy in Eritrea. The center of all power is the dictator and every other institution or administration, and the populace in general, is there to satisfy his dreams, and erratic policies. Though most part of the cake is the dominion of the despot, his close aides in his office, the top PFDJ leaders, and the top military and security leaders have also their lesser share of the cake which they recieve in return for their allegiance to him. Even though these officials get some privilages for their services, they know at the same time that they cannot resist or counteract the dictator’s wishes; because the alternative is straight to the dangeons, never to resurface again.
    There is a network of bodyguard and security forces that keep an eye at the officials and the people in general, and hence ensure the power of the dictator is not challenged at any time. In addtion to these forces, the man has also the Demhit forces, which, I think, he keeps just in case he falls out of favor of the national security forces. He knows well that the Demhit have no chance of survival in Eritrea without his protection and patronage, hence their relationship is symbiotic.
    Having said the above, I repeat my belief that the most obvious thing one has to consider in order to facilitate the chace of regime change in Eritrea is to kill the despot at the helm of the sytem. I know, there are many who disagree with me on this, biut I’m quite convinced that eliminating the dictator is almost accomplishing 80% of the job of bringing change to the better in Eritrea.
    May God/Allah help us rid ourselves of this menace!

  • Tesfabirhan WR

    Dear Amanuel H.,*

    Very well structured and well argued piece. Thank you.

    Some points to put for consideration. I may not agree on the power heirarchy though their existence is true as you listed. Who does what in the PFDJ system is very complicated and dynamic in its approach.

    First: The office of the president is full of technocrats, able but oppressed individuals who are acting as direct consultants to DIA. Their existence is not in the power sahring but on re-inforcing the the pyramidal structure you outlined.

    I came to know one branch of the office of the president (personally visited there one day). The branch that I visited was office of engineering, which is established to supervise all national projects and is lead a PhD holder engineer. Its main task is to collect Geo-data, plan projects, desing projects, estimate costs and supervise the on-going projects. It is almost a hybrid of ministry of Public works, but has no power endowed to it infront of the public. others are also of similar in their structure (see for example Yemane gebremeskel -who supervises all PFDJ media outlets). The presence of this office has replaced all technical service giving offices and acted as a back-bone of the president in providing him technical advices. Hence, I consider the office of the president as a “Consulting office” which communicates with DIA on technical matters and has no visible power to be acted on others.

    Second: According to new PFDJ government structure, the move looks to DUG. Though not fully free and autonomous, starting from 2011 or 10 onwards, Zoba administrators received a new order to change their governance structure. The structure favours decentralized unitary system. Under this new structure, all ministries in each zoba report directly to the zoba administrator and each ministry opened an office within the zoba administration office. I was following this tsructure very carefully through ministry of agriculture. The ministry zoba branch plans all its activity within its zoba and receives its proposed budget from its respective zoba administrator. This system had weakened the National zoba ministry and became almosy non-functional. And I remember the many inconvenience and conflicts that was going to adopt the new system.
    Therefore, PFDJ in its later governance system has adopted the DUG system but has lots of conflict going on in between.

    Third: PFDJ office is a watcher. Unlike the ofice of the president, it is public present in every entity of Eritrean walks of life. No single activity is run without the presence of PFDJ representative. It is meant to observe and monitor all activities. I remember how PFDJ opened its branch office of the higher Education in 2008. It is very complicated to clearly demarcate the power sharing between EDF and PFDJ though PFDJ is full of civil officers (not in active military service). their relationship varies and always crossed each other.

    Fourth: You have forgotten PFDJ controlled enterprises or companies. These enterprises are categorised as private companies though they are directly controlled by PFDJ economic branch. I would like to put them as separate category and on their power, above ministries. In fact, I can say, the office of the president gives technical service, the PFDJ office watches or monitors, PFDJ enterprises supplies and fulfills what is needed by the president and the ministries.

    Fifth: I may not put the power hierarchy in a pyramidal form but in a concentric circle form, just like wave form. The president being at the center, followed by PFDJ office and supported by the office of the president. Then, according to their new supposed DUG system, zobas are next followed by ministries. Again, the PFDJ established enterprises come-in to provide what is demanded by the ministries. The enterprises create a shield between the ministries and the masses. Finally, the public mass is outcasted at the perifery and has no control on what is going on inside and lives in complete ISOLATION. Because of this later complete isolation, there is no relationship between the public and the the governance system. You may wonder then what the government is doing if the structure is as I have described. Well, the government has since long time outcasted the public and are only infrastructures that never serves the public but their own illusioned dreams.


  • Kokhob Selam

    Amuni wish you long and healthy life to serve your people.

  • Mahmud Saleh

    Dear Emma;
    A wonderful read; I expected Saleh to drop by, I guess he’s busy. I ask you to take the following comment as strictly mine. I don’t want to get crushed between two giants.
    My gut feeling tells me to look at a bee colony. There is no more functionally structured than the bee colony. There are probably few competitors in the animal kingdom in terms of its orderliness, predictability, and effectiveness. It’s divided into functional units, they all cater to the well being of the queen; basically they are enslaved for life for that purpose. Take out the queen bee, and the colony dissipates. Now think of PFDJ, and this is to the reader, if you think PFDJ can continue without any change if IA leaves suddenly, you can argue for Amanuel’s position; that PFDJ Eritrea entertains institutional-ism.
    The question has not been about whether there are organizational structures and relations of functionality, but whether those structures could withstand challenges without IA; whether those institutions/organizations and sub-organizations and their horizontal and vertical relations exist on a defined ground, by law, and entertain independence which their founding bylaws give them. I am looking at:
    a/ regularity/orderliness, that’s the institutions perform within constraining laws, and also enjoy some degree of independence, they could function regardless of who is bossing them. When one boss needs money he doesn’t go to the president (as Ambassador AW/G said in his book) but goes to an institutionalized bank, and follows the institutional requirement/guideline. If the president is found giving and taking public funds at his own discretion the structure is built to cater one man’s power, and hence, it’s consistent with what Saleh has been saying. There are similar examples between ministries, Zonal PFDJ and Zonal administrations; the ofifcie of the president and individual projects, PFDJ branches among themselves (The fight between Abdalla Jabr and Yemane is well known, which finally cost AJ his position and probably his life. There are similar examples in all ministries
    b/ predictability (their sub-units/or persons expect what to follow tomorrow, what behavior or action results in what sanction…plan their actions independent of one boss at the top. They know what tomorrow will bear, the year after tomorrow…ten years from now…ect. PFDJ diplomats and cadres had been deflecting peoples’ questions by saying the 1997 constitution was going to be implemented or had been implemented in practice…but out of the blue IA said “Nah, I have my own plan.” You would have heard hints, slowly, for years, coaxing the public into expecting the change had there been institutions. Institutions are independent of personal whims. But you may have structures built in order to preserve the power of the man, by the man for the man and finally crumble with the end of the man’s reign. Their existence is strictly tied with the man’s reign. They can’t mitigate unwarranted, and even destructive-to-their.welfare intrusions from that man. Institutions of a government are created by statutes, and there are laws which mitigate interference. For example, the State Department may find itself in contradictions with the department of defense, there are mechanisms which modulate and moderate these interdepartmental and intra-departmental conflicts. Do we have similar interrelations within the departments/ministries of today’s Eritrea?
    c. They do have built-in correcting mechanisms, therefore, when internal conflicts arise, they have conflict management schemes; their founders simply don’t get hauled to Eila-Ero for voicing to correct their institution (s). Their members would ask for regular meetings, congresses, assessments..not only for the good of the society but for the survival of their institution(S).
    So, the debate has been about a system which is controlled tightly by IA, this idea comes from the recognition that not all members of PFDJ are bad, not all structures built during the era of PFDJ are ready for dismantling. Those structure (state structures) are equally oppressed, depressed, and once a government comes that pursue institutional-ism rather than autocracy, these institutions could be retooled towards that end. Because all ministries and other state structures are suffering from this un-institutional governance. PFDJ surrenders its assets, dismantle its Bahlawi Gudayat (we don’t need one), its criminals meet justice, the rest is up to the victorious forces, and the people of Eritrea.
    Specific observations on your topic:
    1. On paragraph 4, I expected you to walk me through the merits of the contrarian positions and if they are compliment, but I believe you transitioned to how you describe the political nature of the regime. If you could analyze that part, it would be helpful.
    2. Tunisia: It all depends who brings the country to that stage of the change; it seems to me you are talking about the day after tomorrow while tomorrow is still hanging up there, refusing to come by. The period you refer to comes after a period of real engagement to bring the regime to yield to the people. (If you remember, SAAY’S dem.coup treats that specific period, also the debate on uprising, peaceful/violent means..etc).
    Sorry, I have to stop here. Probably will do some editing later.

    • Kokhob Selam

      Yes here I am joining the mass for voting , it seem 2015 is even yours.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam Mahmuday,
      I would like to give you a short answer for your two questions and take it as my position: (a) At this critical juncture where our youth are leaving our nation in droves, I am for “by all means of struggle” – peaceful and violence to stop this bleeding. As a matter fact, we shouldn’t spent our time to fruitless argument between peaceful and violence, while the nation is already trapped with a violent regime (b) Again at this juncture there is no clear scenario as a choice “for means of removing the regime.” Surely it is an extremely volatile situation. Therefore whichever force brings the removal of the regime, isn’t that much important to me. My concern is, are we going to have a peaceful transition or continue in the same trajectory chaos. The transition will still remain my concern as it has been in the 90s after the liberation. Hence I will keep hammering for soft landing relatively, accompanied by an accommodating democratic transitional process which brings everlasting peace and stability to our nation. This is my current position. I hope my answers are clear even if you aren’t on my side.

      Amanuel Hidrat

      • Kokhob Selam


      • Mahmud Saleh

        Dear emma
        Very clear emma. I see you becoming more centrist which is really important. I cautioned you though to take my comment as an independent one. I hope you reconsider it that way. I have respect for both of you, but that should not imply I have to endorse either of you. If you remember, I didn’t accept Saleh ‘ s dem.coup. based on my assessment of EDF lack of professionalism and institutionalized independence. So, this is my own assessment. Regarding to the solution, I’m not by any means saying saleh DC is the best one; I’m just alluding to the fact that at describing pfdj regime, it appears to me that both of you actually complement the fact that this is an autocratic totalitarian regime doing business through handpicked enablers, be it at individuals’ level or at organizations ‘ level. They all exist at his pleasure, and could be swept away at his sole discretion.

    • Nitricc

      “I ask you to take the following comment as strictly mine. I don’t want to get crushed between two giants.

      Mahmuday; there no one big enough giant to crush the great, the giant and gaigantic Mahmuday. NONE. the END!
      having said that i read your post and I felt you are omiting to ask one critical piece in order to get the clear picture of the two giant’s point of contention. any time you see that kind of heated debate; question the motive and the underlined point. For instance; what is SAAY’s motive to propose what he is proposing. on the same token, Aman-H has a motive to propose what he is proposing. remember, they both agreed change must come but they diverge absolutly the opposite how the change should accure; why? they both have motive to wanting the type of change they are proposing. what do you think their motive is it is?
      i will share my take latter.

      • Mahmud Saleh

        Man you have had a busy week, what’s going on buddy? By the way Himbirti is a big village, I think the biggest in Hamasien. And it happens I have good memories of Himbirti, if needed, may exchange them with you. That’s once we agree on the rules of communications. I see your ideas spoiled by your choices of words, particularly, language you chose in discussing the unfortunate murder of those kids hurt me. Anyway, I see you as a man of your own, with original ideas, and a tough guy with firm stances on thorny issues. That’s a quality you should keep honing, however, make sure your inquisitive behavior doesn’t get dismissed just as another nitrickay’s habitual missteps or end up hurting others. Make sure your ideas get the reception they deserve. No body has the right to tell you what to say, but make sure you don’t hurt others. Make sure you don’t get short exchanged on the effect you want to bring on others through your message.In plain language: Be nice, show us more of that occasionally expressed Nitrickay heart . Your resolution of 2015: I am honorable, therefore, I will stick to being honoroble while communicating with others, no matter what the provocations are. I will focus on issues and challenge debaters, but using appropriate manner. Because I want to contribute to making Eritrea a better place; Eritrea should be better; Eritreans deserve more, we could be better.We can do it.
        Your questions should be directed to both guys; but I take it simple.
        Both want to do something good for their country; they know the situations needs to be changed for the better. What they are doing could be considered as discussing for the solution; take it as a team members coming up with their own suggestions. It doesn’t appear to me as a competition, but as strongly grounded convictions. The forum could bring these seemingly different positions to consensual fruition by filling in missing parts. Now, I want to hear yours. But do it within your new year resolution’s commitments parameters.

        • Nitricc

          Mahmuday; first of all please accept my deepest apology for offending you. It wasn’t my intention; when I speak, I don’t leave any thing for ambiguity for interpretation. I say it. Here, let me share my thought process what led me to that conclusions.
          When I judge something or about something, I take the emotion out of it. I see it cut and dry and that what real justice is! Justice is cold; justice is blind and justice has no emotions. I know what people expect to read is OMG, I am sad, I can’t, I can’t drink, I am in tears all that bull crab and they go eat their lunch. No, it is not me.
          When I read what happened to those kids, my initial reaction was what kind of parent willingly sends their minor children to death? What kind of stupid do you have to be to faience the human trafficking? After what happened in Lamodusa? After we know what is going on in Sinai? After what is happening almost every day to those who left the country? I didn’t even blame the government. The government is what it is. Blaming everything on the government took us no where. This culture of fleeing has to end. The parents must take responsibility; they should stop sending their kids to death and distraction. The financers must take responsibility. We are going in to circles that have no end. We keep doing the same thing and we are surprised when something happens.
          This is what I was thinking and what I have said. I regret; your feeling was heart.
          If you don’t think the parents and the financers have nothing to do with it, well, I respectfully disagree.
          Mahmuday; I will get to the rest shortly

  • T..T.

    Based on the opposition’s characterization of the regime, the dictator has developed unique political, defense and economic policies full of loopholes and devious interpretations of national interest and internal stability with a design to protect his interest by subordinating all the activities of the nation to his
    individual ends.

    Isayas is on borrowed time ever since he ended the transitional government and dissolved the quasi constituent parliament and subjected most of the representatives to repression and unwarranted imprisonments.

    He also unabatedly violated human rights and fundamental liberties of the Eritrean people. As the result the voice of the Eritrean people was muzzled. Dreams of bright future were shattered. Those who were dismayed by the disintegration of the system under the transitional government had no choice but to leave the country in mass.

    I think the opposition is already in line with the suggested programs. They already formulated some memos discussing matters related to transitional government and its departments. More may follow if people exercise their
    rights to knowing what is on hold and discussing to enrich them.

  • haileTG

    Selamat Aman,

    An excellent analysis and well put arguments. I fear that your proposal for Tunisia type transition is a wild wish (that would be nice if it ever happened) for the transition in Eritrea. If the current situation and state of affairs are anything to go by, Eritrea’s transition will be one the most brutal type, there will be intensive external meddling and Eritrean’s lack of sympathy towards one another and entrenched rivelary is only boiling under the cover. Eritrea will have neither institution nor resources to control anything. Perhaps, those countries that call opposition “rats” such as Libya are the likely bet if you ask me. What we have is an uneasy peace before the big bang. Eritrean politics is driven by hate in the diaspora and extreme repression and corruption inside Eritrea. There is a cardinal rule in mother nature: “You play, You pay”. Today, even the death of thousands of our young citizens at sea is considered “politics” to talk about (of course, to serve one’s own politcs). I think a huge vocano is simmering under Eritrea and when it blows over with a big bang, people will not even be in speaking terms, let alone to do much about it. External role, like that of Somalia, is a real possibility in setting up the new post IA administration. It is easy to express aversion at this idea now, but when thousands of civilians start to be destabilized, mass movement, deaths and disasters start to grip the nation, some sort of UN/AU intervention will be sought for. Remember, we as a people, due to our sheer intrasigence, are the cheif architects of such senario.

    So, I am calling for realistic expectation that is reflecting of our current polarized and deteriorating conditions.


    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Dear Hailat,

      One who is in a struggle should always be optimistic. That is my “nature” and my “hope” to our people and our nation. I never give up to the “can do attitude” of our people. Myself, I always look for maximum compromise for the sake of peace and stability. It is all in our hand if we really want it to happen. Eritrea is salvageable from its current political crises, if we change our attitudes to each other. I understand the current situation especially with the exodus of our youth will always put us into fears of extinction if it is not abated soon. I understand your worry, but we will come out from this intractable problem and Eritrea will fall in to the good hand of our wise men/women our nation has in its store. Kubur haw Haile, keep you hope always alive.
      Amanuel Hidrat

  • Nitricc

    “(a) there is no system with institutions in the state of Eritrea, hence it is a one man’s institution”
    “here is no such a thing as a one man institution. A state is run by a well organized system whether the head of state is a dictator, tyrant, or a democrat”
    ” well organized” on the same article ” no system”

    • SenaiErtrawi

      I am not sure if I get your point but I hope you are not assuming the equality of the two phrases “a one man’s institution” and “a one man institution”.

      “a one man’s institution” is an institution built/owned by one man
      “a one man institution” is an institution made of or consisting one man