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Defining The Eritrean Catalyst For Democratic Change

In my previous article ‘Eritrea: The Missing Element for A Democratic Change”, I concluded that the forces of change in the Diaspora are the most compatible element for catalysing prompt change in Eritrea and ensuring desirable outcomes.  In fact, the catalyst role is the only viable option for the forces of change in the Diaspora. For the Diaspora to execute this role perfectly, consciousness and conviction in the nature of this role, and the embedding of the role in a detailed action plan are essential. The quality of the execution of this action plan will be proportional to the speed with which change is brought about and the achievement of a stable and democratic state.

The first part of the article identifies three primary issues as major obstacles that hinder the forces of change inside Eritrea: First, the lack of information and its negative psychological impact (which can be addressed with a well-designed media message); second, the support that the regime seems to enjoy from Eritreans in the Diaspora, particularly the recent youth migrants, the well-orchestrated YPFDJ activities and the effects of their coverage through the regime’s media outlets (which should be countered with parallel activities led by the forces of change in the Diaspora, taking advantage of Western countries’ sacred values of democracy and human rights, and their correspondence with the demands of the forces of change); third, the uncertainty regarding the replacement of the current regime in light of many failed attempts at change in the region (this can be overcome by developing a consensus among the forces of change regarding the transition period and beyond–the consensus should include an action plan for the change process which should be characterized by integration, not competition).

This part of the article focuses on assessing the forces for change in the Diaspora, taking into account their ability to tackle these three major issues that hinder them from catalysing prompt and safe change in Eritrea.

The requirements for the catalysing element

Characterizing the forces of change in the Diaspora as the best suited element for catalysing change in Eritrea does not imply that its presence in itself is sufficient to fulfil this role. In fact, the willingness of the Diaspora to execute this role is also necessary. Its attempts to engage in any other role may be legitimate but ultimately not viable. Achieving change from a distance is a seemingly unfeasible task and has not support regionally or internationally. On the other hand, achieving change through conventional military operations is out of the question for objective reasons that do not need to be detailed here. Change through negotiation is not an alternative either as it is not commensurate with the regime’s nature; it does not recognize the existence of any internal problem that require negotiation or compromise. In fact, it attributes Eritrea’s dilemma to exogenous factors.

Ruling out these scenarios leads to the only feasible option: integrating the efforts of the forces of change inside and outside Eritrea. This involves assigning roles among them based on their respective natures, capabilities, and locations. Although this notion sounds simple, plausible, and clear, the fact is that most of the forces of change in the Diaspora do not know how to bring it about. The past two decades have proved that these forces oppose the regime in principle but are unable to transform this principle into a doable and effective action plan. Consequently, opposing the regime has turned into a sort of a routine act that features no creativity, surprises, or breakthrough regarding any of the elements that are necessary to bring about change in Eritrea.

The relationship between the forces of change inside and outside Eritrea

Due to historical circumstances related to the formation of the Eritrean opposition, it is virtually non-existent inside Eritrea. As a result, its evaluations of events in Eritrea are likely to be inaccurate. While there are justifications for this non-presence, the absence of opposition discourse is inexplicable in light of the remarkable advancements in communication technology. It is no secret that for more than two decades, these forces have failed to establish effective media to carry their messages to the people inside Eritrea and to expose the regime’s notorious practices and propaganda. By contrast, the regime’s media, particularly its television, seems to be effective in attracting a growing audience. It is the only space that fulfils Eritrean longing and nostalgia. In light of this deficiency, establishing media that is technically effective and transmits a message that is sound in essence is a priority. For the message to be effective, it must focus on our people’s strength, with special attention to the forces for potential change, particularly those in the medium and low ranks in the army, the civil administration, traders, students, youth, women, and farmers. The essence of the message should be the ushering in of fundamental solutions to the nation’s dilemma based on collective efforts. It should also highlight the sentiment that the country in its present state is not a solution to the problems of individuals or of the people collectively. Shedding light on the people’s heroic record during the armed struggle, when they never surrendered or compromised, is pivotal. Addressing well-managed diversity as a source of richness is also essential. Messages that focus on coexistence, peace, and political and social consensus will certainly push away worries about uncertainty. The future that this message ushers in should be a democratic state grounded on the principles of citizenship, equity, and equality. Discourse should be subject to zero tolerance for domination or marginalization, in theory and in practice. Moreover, the regime’s tactics to divide the nation should be fully exposed and confronted; its human rights violations and its humiliation and degradation of the people should be documented, not tolerated. The message should send clear signals to the forces inside Eritrea, which have a great interest in bringing about change and the capacity to do the same, that no messiah will come from outside Eritrea to change the regime. The main burden lies on their shoulders, and the forces for change in the Diaspora will provide as much assistance as possible. For this message to be heard, effective tools are necessary, adequate human resources should be recruited, and methods of assessment should be adopted.

These are the prerequisites for catalysing change in Eritrea. Assessing the existing efforts of the forces for change illustrates that, although various individuals and organisations have initiated efforts, they are far from reaching the level necessary to awaken the forces for change inside Eritrea. Logistics and deficiencies in funding have always been proposed as the cause of this shortfall. However, the fact is that lack of vision is mainly responsible for the failure to establish effective media. This leads to the conclusion that the forces of change are not yet ready for the role they have to play in the process of change.

Mass Mobilization

The recruitment of masses in its affirmative form will empower the people who consider themselves part of the forces of change, regardless of their affiliation or non-affiliation with political or civil organizations. In its preventative form, it will win over the regime’s supporters or, at least, neutralise them. It is crucial to work simultaneously in both forms in order to catalyse change in Eritrea. Empowering those who are affiliated with the forces of change contributes to supporting the organized efforts, creating leaders, and motivating the forces of change inside Eritrea. Moreover, the preventative form of the same weakens the regime economically and politically. At the forefront of the preventative form are efforts such as targeting the youth who recently migrated to Western countries. To this end, setting up a flexible strategy is a core point. The strategy should be based on a simple concept, namely, that this category, including YPDFJ, can be won over to help bring about change in Eritrea. This concept stems from the fact that these people fled their home country, leaving their loved ones, memories, and comfort zones behind them. They would not have made that decision unless they were fed up and had lost hope in the current system of governance. This leads to the plausible conclusion that these people are not in favour of the continuation of this regime. The perplexing phenomena of these youth supporting the regime once they settle in their new countries owes more to the weakness of the forces of change in the Diaspora than to the strength of the regime and its satellites. The regime has taken advantage of this situation and opted for a very effective strategy based on the half-open-door policy, which requires the youth to sign an apology for leaving the country illegally but simultaneously reassures them that they will face no legal consequences. As was explained earlier in this article, signing the apology letter gives the signatories access to consular services and allows them to nurture the dream of returning home for vacations or for good, whether or not such a dream is feasible. Furthermore, the signatories protect this dream by supporting the regime. Alternatively, they refrain from opposing the regime by avoiding actively joining the forces of change in the Diaspora. To promote its strategy, the regime consciously dissolves the frontiers between itself and the nation by using the terms “nation” and “regime” interchangeably. It also plays the sectarian and regional cards. If doing so does not yield the required outcomes, then it may threaten the targeted people with reprisals against their families or relatives inside Eritrea. Fortunately, the regime’s tactics for recruiting or neutralizing Eritreans in the Diaspora can be defeated, particularly as this segment of the population faces a moral dilemma by enjoying the benefits of democracy in their countries of residence while supporting dictatorship in their home country.

The impact of this phenomenon on the process of bringing about change in Eritrea is crucial. On the one hand, the regime-controlled media’s coverage of this segment’s activities sends the wrong signals to the potential forces of change inside Eritrea, leading them to believe that they have been left to their fate and that those in the Diaspora have no sympathy for their plight. Such contemplations eventually lead individual solutions to outweigh the collective one. Moreover, these activities vindicate the EU’s and its states’ assessment of the motivations behind the exodus, leading them to label the youth economic migrants. As a result, the Eritrean cause is deprived of its political dimensions, and the EU’s assistance to the Eritrean regime receives justification. This is the last thing that those who seek justice want.

The issue of youth in the Diaspora is the cornerstone of any efforts to bring about change in Eritrea. The regime’s strategy, which has multiple dimensions, seems to favour the continuation of the current situation as the only viable option. This segment’s sympathy or indifference towards the regime is counterproductive for any attempts at change as any project to bring about change in Eritrea must stem from a sense of urgency and must be fuelled by an individual and collective sense of injustice. Needless to say, the regime’s strategy aims to defuse this energetic feeling.

Setting up a strategy to win back this segment that favours change requires, first and foremost, refraining from labelling it selfish, brainwashed, or as Nazi, as some extremists do, particularly in the social media.  The suggestion that this segment should automatically be a principal part of the camp of the forces of change due to its knowledge regarding the dictatorship of the regime is absurd. A doable strategy should be based on understanding the psychological, social, and financial pressures that this segment endures during and after its journey and on strategy characterized by empathy but, most importantly, underpinned by a workable action plan for change that has feasible post-change alternatives. As such a strategy seems beyond the reach of the forces for change in the Diaspora, it is clear that they are not even close to being able to play the role of a catalyst.

Concerns beyond change  

The third aspect of fulfilling the catalyst role involves providing clear answers to the questions that arise as a result of change. Fears and hopes regarding what the future holds are instincts embedded in each individual’s consciousness and, consequently, in the nation’s collective consciousness. When it comes to bringing about political change in Eritrea, fear outweighs hope as there are many dreadful precedents of attempts at change failing in the region (for instance, in the cases of Yemen, Syria, and Libya). The Eritrean opposition, particularly the Eritrean Alliance and Eritrean Council for Democratic Change has endeavoured to address the issue of the transition period in its conferences and charters. However, overcoming such legitimate fears requires more than a chapter in a political charter, particularly if the charter’s signatories disagree on the same issues at a later stage, beginning the journey of internal fragmentation and defamation. Any serious attempt to tackle this aspect should first address a broad, binding consensus based on fundamental issues such as the unity and integrity of Eritrea and its people, language, land, a peaceful power transition through a democratic system based on citizenship, affirmative action based on scientific studies, and adherence to international laws. This consensus should be above the political organizations’ manoeuvring and elites’ passiveness.

Second, there should be an agreement on an action plan to bring about change in Eritrea that is characterized by integration, not competition. This includes the aspects of resistance and mobilization, mechanisms for the transition period during which the roles of the potential forces of change inside Eritrea will be clearly assigned.  Evaluating the forces of change in the Diaspora in this respect illustrates how far it is from assuming that role. To make the situation worse, the forces of change in the Diaspora has opted to address these issues by forming political umbrella groups. However, dysfunctionality, inefficiency, and fragility always characterises these platforms. That cannot be effectiveness in bringing about change and contribute positively to a smooth transitional period, if change occurs. The insignificant accomplishments (such as the National Council for Democratic Change) due to political manoeuvring is not only disappointing but is also a clear sign of the immaturity of the Eritrean opposition which is presumably the alternative to the incumbent regime. Hence, the current situation is not just delaying the long-awaited change in Eritrea, but it is also diminishing hopes for a stable and democratic country even after the demise of the regime. This means that the possibility of Eritrea slipping into the pattern of failed states cannot be ruled out.


Development a process for bringing about change that is a stable, democratic replacement in Eritrea promptly requires the accumulation of many factors. Eritrean inside the country are as capable as any other people of revolting against injustice if a conducive environment is created. In fact, Eritreans are known for their resilience and determination, values that were tested during the armed struggle and eventually achieved independence. Alas, the euphoria of independence numbed these qualities in the people. Ironically, the pain that the regime has caused has led to the reviving of these values and to the formation of forces of change inside Eritrea. To fully awaken these forces and ultimately bring about change, however, the forces of change in the Diaspora, which enjoys the luxury of free speech, freedom of association and advocacy, must play their catalyst role effectively; unfortunately, these forces are far from ready to assume the role. Thus, bringing about a smooth change and transition that ultimately leads to a peaceful and democratic Eritrea is currently a mere mirage.


About Abdulrazig Kerar

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    Dear Abdulrazig thank you for this well written article,in which you have expressed your ideas in detail,your ideas and dreams of millions of Eritreans a waits the right leadership,honest, sincere,trustworthy leaders,which can win the hearts and minds of the masses,such quality is lacking in our opposition,one that can unites us in our quest for free and peaceful Eritrea.

  • T..T.

    Dear Kokhob Selam,

    Anyway, the long way, we must bear witness of those who will be held as good or bad examples.

    Some are good examples of patriotism because they don’t keep silent when their people are exposed to untold pains, sufferings, and humiliations. Yet, some are pro the tyrant, enjoying seeing the pains of their tormented and mistreated people (if you don’t say any or condemn the monster and the abuser, it means you are enjoying watching the crimes the tyrant is committing). Still some chose to remain on tight lips or denials until the whole population is entirely annihilated.

    • Kokhob Selam

      Dear T.T,
      Sure. but that is not easy task. you can imagine when your parents and brothers dance thinking the job is over and supporting PFDJ in those honey moon years.. you can imagine how many friends we lost in telling and explaining the truth. What will you do if one elder with more education supports PFDJ ? there was a time when I start to think I am mad or crazy if most of people are in the opposite side ..Lol. ኣንታ ኣነ ድየ ጽሉል I asked to my self. Then calm and silent I start to observe and make sure I am right. then leave those oppose you with what they believe and Waite till they taste the poison – ምከረው ምከረው እምቢ ካለ መከራ ይምከረው :- you can’t convince everybody some are not willing to see the truth.

      • T..T.

        Dear Kokhob Selam,

        You are right; those who chose to be blind to truth will never see it even if the truth is presented in its simplest form. Indeed, those who do not care about their people at all are considered to be so stripped naked to the core that they are shameless with no feelings at all.

        Because those who chose to be blind to truth are doing the dirty laundry of the tyrant for free, without a paycheck, we cannot call them mercenaries. They just enjoy and like to indulge in the sufferings of human beings. Because they are always for the wrong over the right, they are considered to be enemies of the Eritrean people.

        The victims of the tyrant inside Eritrea are suffering double disgrace. And the worst on earth is to get disgraced by disgraceful groups of people (the Isaysists), who support a tyrant who claims that he had no contract with the Eritrean people signifying there was no any betrayal of trust because he never promised. The tyrant believes that so long there is no a broken trust, he will continue ruling without constitution. Here comes all those blind to the truth to blindly buy the story of the tyrant. Only such incapable people of reasoning, who cannot differentiate between true nationalism and fake nationalism, would buy the tyrant’s story.

  • T..T.

    Hi tes, KS, and all,

    Every one of us has the power to choose and that power cannot be taken away from each of us. One can make a choice to like the worst evil on the face of the world. Yet, whether positive or negative it is that person’s choice.

    But the above fact is not true when it comes to those ex-cadres or ex-officials of Isayas because their power to choose is already taken away. Yes, because they are blackmailed, they chose not to keep pace with time and they always choose to talk unfeelingly against the victims of Isayas.

    Wise people say, when choosing one of two evils, choose the less evil. And, when you choose one of two goods, choose the better. Now, let’s see where Mahmood Saleh (MS) stands:

    Let’s say MS chose one of two evils, but we don’t know about his choice. Because what he presents here always pleases the Isayasists, we can say that MS is more inclined towards Isayasism. And, because the opposition members find MS’s view extremely contrary to theirs, the opposition members think that MS considers the tyrant better than the opposition.

    Therefore, based on SJG concept of Hirrrarr, MS is playing the game of Hirrrrrar Beli’o-mber “I am Shabia today, like yesterday.” Enjoy the derailing of tranquility in Eritrea, jeopardizing every Eritrean right to peaceful life, freedom of thinking and freedom speech.

  • tes

    Dear Readers,

    It is very sad to read something that he is thought to be most adorable to read like this:

    …ፖለቲከኛ ስለዘይኮንኩ ድማ እታ ሓንቲ ንዓይ እተገድሰኒ ኤርትራ ብኩሉ መዳያታ ንቕድሚት ክትምርሽ እዩ። ኣብ ኤርትራ መን ይገዝእ ኣሎ[PFDJ- empahis mine] ንዓይ ኣየገድሰንን እዩ።.

    For more detailsተቓውሞ፡ ብድሆታቱን ዕድላቱን 1ይ ክፋል ብማሕሙድ ሳልሕ

    Translated as …As I am not a politician too what I care most about Eritrea that advances forward don’t care who is ruling Eritrea

    Don’t guess this to be dawit (Zinegese Ngusey) – he is Mahmud Saleh – the relentless PFDJ style editorial writer here in this forum.

    Yes Mahmud Saleh does not care how Eritrean people are treated, even let them be treated as slaves( He is known in defending PFDJ reclamation 1994 National Service). He does not care if thousands Eritreans are fleeing as far as towers are sky rocketing. he doesn’t care even if thousands are kept as prisoners as far as roads and dams constructed.

    He doesn’t care who is ruling Eritrea.

    And this is not Nitricc, Hope, dawit or someone else but the only and only thought to be rational forumer Mahmud Saleh.

    Well, lets wait his second, third, or plus parts. I will take my share to dash his arguments.


    • Kokhob Selam

      Dear tes,

      The man is in trouble for taking such stand to attract everybody – if not to cover his negative history. just wait and read more. This type of people were always there and we will see more, I hope he will correct his stand but truth is greater than all of us and no one will win over truth – if it was who could be more than those who try to draft constitution..weren’t professors with long experience!

      Dear tes,

      have you ever wondered how the simple and ordinary man with limited knowledge won over those all opportunists! truth is easy to be found- it is ready to serve and don’t need complicated mind ..all needed is honesty.

      • Abi

        Who is this simple and ordinary man with a limited knowledge won over those opportunists?

        • Kokhob Selam

          Dear Abi,
          I don’t think I should answer this question to someone experienced more than me. weren’t you their when ENDALKACHEW MEKONEN was working under the king who didn’t listen to ordinary men who said change is a must. weren’t you their when HAILE FIDA was working with Derge and ignored all the views of the ordinary Ethiopians?

          • Abi

            You must be out of your mind. Do you expect the professor to know about Endalkachew Mekonnen? Or Haile Fida? You are assuming way too much.
            BTW, I was a special advisor to the Great King , Atse Hailesilassie, YeEritrea Abat when My friend and classmate Endalkachew was working for the king.
            Haile Fida? He was my. student.

          • Kokhob Selam

            Abo, ha ha

            It is you who asked the question not tes.
            you know what, really I wish to see in real world.

          • Abi

            I asked because I was curious to know who this person was? You mentioned about this person in your letter addressed to Tes. Of course, you did not mention the person’s name. The thing is you and Tes understand each other very well without mentioning a name.
            BTW, how did you expect Tes to know who you were referring to without mentioning the third person’s name specially Endalkachew Mekonnen? How often do we mention him here? I was thinking from Adam to Jesus, from Gandi to Isayas and everyone in between.
            Belisan menegager jemrachihu?

          • Kokhob Selam

            ወይ ጉድ! ኣሁን ምን ልበል?

    • Berhe Y

      Dear Tes,

      Thank you for bringing to the attention of awatista. I think its with Mahmud and anyone right to freely express their opinion, and are willing to be critically challenged for their opinion. That’s the culture we need to cultivate and we need to promote, and we can’t just criticize anyone for the sake of writing something we disagree with

      Having said that, but I have the following observation to Mahumd.

      I don’t know why you chose to post these article at different website other than here at Again, it’s your right but I find it really surprising specially when you said “ኣብዘን ዝቕጽላ ተኻታተልቲ ጽሑፋት፡ ንኽልተ ዓመታት ኣብ መድረኽ ክትዓት (forums) ከልዕሎምን ከብስሎምን ዝጸናሕኩ ሓሳባት መዕለቢ ክገብረሎም እየ።” Based on the time you spend to comment on this forum, I don’t know if you had a better audience than here at

      Unless you really have a good reason, to me this sounds like you are running away from awatista critics and challenges “feriHka, zHademka eyu zimesl kab” :).

      Happy Eritrea’s 25 anniversary.


  • tes

    Dear Abdulrazig,

    This is a noble idea worth to spread. Your ideas are well put and very practical. More than that what I liked most about your articles is that they are JUSTICE centered.

    I will be back sooner to discuss points where I found to be very strong.


  • Kokhob Selam

    ክቡር ዓብዱልረዛቕ

    ኣብ ‘ዚ ኣዝዩ ጽንኩር ናይ ቃልሲ መድረኽ ዳርጋ ኩሎም ብተግባር ንፍትሒ ዝምክቱ ካብ ከተኩሩሎም ዘለዎም ኣገባብ ቅዲ – ቅልስ ብኸምዚ ዝዓይነቱ እማሜ ምቅራብካ ምስጋና ይግበኣካ እዩ እሞ ይቀንየለይ ዝሓወይ :: ብሓቂ ግን ካብ ንጽህ ሕልና ዝነቀለ ግዲ ኮይኑ ነቲ ወድዕ ካብቲ ዘለው ክውንነት ናብ ሓዲሽ ክውንነት ክሰጋገር ድኣ ዝ ኣክል ጸዓትካ እምበር – መንቀሊ እቲ ሕጂ እንሪኦ ዘለና ባህርያት ፖሎቲከኛታት – ምስሉይነትን ልሗኾይነትን ከይቃላዕካ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ጽሑፋትካ ቀሪብካ :: ብርግጽ ኣመጻጽኣ ናይ’ ዚ ሕጂ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት መንቀሊ ከይቀላላዕካን ፊት ንፊት ከይገጠምካን መፍትሒ ምንዳይ ኣብ ጸልማት መርፍእ ምድላይ ኮይኑ እዩ ዝስመዓኒ :: እዚ ማለት ግን እተቅርቦ ዘለኻ ሃናጺ ርኢቶ ኣብ ለውጢ ግደ የብሉን ማለተይ ኣይኮነን : የግዳስ ግርህና ዝተሓወሶ ንሸርሕታት ሰብ ገበን ኣብ ግምት ዘይእተወ እማመ ከይኸውን ስለ ተሻቀልኩ እዩ ::

    ነቶም ፍረ ኣልቦ ዝኾኑ ነቲ ስርዓት ዘገልገሉን ጌግታቶም ንምሽፋን ዝግዕሩን ብተግባር ፈሺሎም ፍንጭራዕ ዝብሉ ዘለው ከይተረፈ ነቲ “ተንጽሎ” ዝብል ኣምር ከይነተግብሮ ምኽሪ ሓዘል ኣረፍተ- ነገር ተዓዚበ ኣለኹ :: ኣትኩረይ ግን ኣብ ‘ቲ ሓቅን ምሕረት ዘይህብን መትከላዊ መርገጽ እዩ ዝዛዚ :: ካብ ‘ዚ ዝነቀለ ኸኣ ኣብ ዝሓለፋ ዕስራ ዓመታት ካብ ዘለኒ ተሞክሮ ነዚ ” ግልግለ ኣለኒ እሞ ርግቢት እየ – ስኒ ኣለኒ እሞ ኣንጭዋ እየ ” ዝብል መንካዓዊ ባህርይ ዘለዎ ኣባል – ብፋስ ሰባት ክቅተሉ እንከለዎ ዓገብ ዘይበለን ባዕሉ ውን ዝቀተለን ሸነኽ “ተቃዋማይ እዩ ” ዝብል መርግጽ ወሲድካን ሰሚርካን ምቅላስ ፍጹም ንጥፍኣት ሃገርነትን ህዝባዊነትን ኮነ ኢልካ ምስራሕ ስለ ዝኾነ ብዓይኒ ደቂ ገርሂ ልባ ዝግበር ዘሎ ናይ ‘ዚ መድረኽ ምንቅስቃስ ክግታእ ዝበለጸ እዩ ዝብል ተሪር መርገጺ እየ ወሲደ :: ኮታ ሓደ ኣብ ህግደፍ ቦታ ስለ ዝሰኣነ “” ተቃዋሚ እዩ ምባል ኣንቀድ ዓውነት እዩ ::

    እቲ ካልእ ኣዝዩ መሪር ሓቂ ብዛዕባ እቶም ካብ ክንደይ ጸበባ ወጺኦም ምስ ህግደፍ ዝደናገጹ መንእሰያት እዩ :- ሕጂ ‘ውን ነቲ ሓቂ ክበርሃሎም ህርድግ ምባል ንፈሊጡ ዝደቀሰ ከተበራብር ምፍታን እዩ :- እዞም መንእሰያት ነቲ ብዓይኖም ዝረኣይዎን ንሶም ውን ባዕሎም ዝጠዓምዎን ስቃይ ኳ ዝኸሓዱስ – ብጽሑፋት መርትዖታት ኣቅሪብካ ኩሉ ግዜን ዓቅምን ምጥፋእ ብዙህ መኽሰብ ዘልዎ ኮይኑ ኣይስመዓንን እዩ ::

    ለባምን መስተብሃልን ስለ ዝኾንካ እትብሎ ድኣ ይጽበ እምበር ካብ ቅድም ዝኣምነሉ ለውጢ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ምግባር እዩ :: ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ኣብ ሃገርና ግን ብሓያል ንእሽቶ ውድብ እዩ ክብገስ ዝኽእል ኢለ እየ ዝኣምን :: እቲ ምንታይ ሲ ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ጸገም ናይ ፍልጠት ጸገም ዘይኮነስ ነብሰ – ፍትወት ዘምጽኦ ድሑር ሕማም እዩ :: እምበኣር ብሓይሊ መንጋጋና ከፊቱ ዕረ እናጠዓመና ሓቂ ዘውሕጥ ኣብ ኣካይድኡ ሓውሲ ህግደፍ ባሕርያት ዘለዎ ሸቶኡ ግን ናብ ሓቂ ዘነጻጸረ ሓይሊ እዩ እዛ ሃገር ዘድልያ ዘሎ ::ኣብ ልዕሊ ህግደፋዊ ስርርዕ ዝውሰዱ ናይ ሓይሊ ስጉምትታት እዮም ድማ ነቲ ተበላጺ መልሓሱ ክሓይኽ ዝገብሩ ::

    እዚ ዝዓይነቱ ሓይሊ ናይ ግድን ካብ ኣስመራ ክብገስ ኣለዎ ዝብል እምንቶ የብለይን ከም’ቲ ኣብ ሃገር ተሳቅዮም ዝሃደሙ ተመሊሶም ኮርኩር ህግደፍ ዝተዓዘብናዮ – ከምቲ ደቆም ኣብ ወጻኢ ሓቂፎም ምስ ህግደፍ ዝደናገጹ ሕሱራት ዝተዓዘብናዮ : -ካብ ሰላም መነባብሮኦም ወጺኦም ውን ናብ ሜዳ ዝነቅሉ ክቡራት እናተዓዘብና ኢና :: እዚ ውን ናብ ውሽጣዊ ሓይሊ ዝሰጋገር ዘሎ ምስ ‘ዚ ኩሉ ሓፍ ዞቕ ክምሕ ዘይበለ ንህግደፍ ዘስምብድ ዘሎ ሸነኽ እዩ :: እዚ እዩ ጎደና ለውጢ – እዚ እዩ ኣብ ባይታ ውድዓዊ ክውንነትና ዝቅይር ሓይሊ : – እዚ እዩ ነቲ ጭሮሖታትን ምስልታትን ባህልታትን ህግደፍ ዝድምስስ ሓይሊ – እዚ ሓይሊ ድማ እዩ ነቲ ተቅርቦ ዘለኻ እማሜታት ቅሩብ ሓይሊ ብትወሰኾ ንኣናጹ ኣጥፊኡ መድረኽ ጸዓዱ ረጋቢት ዘረጋግጽ እንኮ ኣማራጺ –

    ሓቂ ብሓቂ እየ ዝብለካ ዘለኹ ኣብ ሃገርና በዳሊ ትማሊ ኣይኮነን ተፈጢሩ – ተበዳሊ ውን ትማሊ ኣይኮነን ተፈጢሩ – እቶም ዘርጠብጠብ ከይበሉ ዝቃለሱ ውሑዳት ኣናብስ ውን ትማሊ ኣይኮኑን ተፈጢሮም – እቲ ፍልልይ ሕጂ ዝተረደኦ ህዝቢ ምብዝሑ እዩ :: ግዳ ክንዲ ‘ቲ ዝተረደኦ ነዚ ክውንነት ዝምዝምዝ ኣብ ክልተ ዝረገጸ ሸነኽ ምብዝሑ ኣይተረፎን : – እዚ ሸነኽ እዚ ካብ ቲ ህግደፍ ዝበሃል ጉጅለ ንላዕሊ ሃሳይ ሸነኽ እዩ – ዝበዝሑ ሰለይትን ኣቀባበልትን ቃልስና ከይስስን ብድሕሪ ዝወግኡ ውን ኣብዚ እዮም ዝምደቡ :: እዚ ሸነኽ እዚ ተጋጊና ኢሉ ክሳብ ብተግባር ኣብ ታ ሜዳ ዘይተኻፈለ ድማ ክንጸል ይሓይሽ – ክሳብ ሕጂ ብዝረኣ ዘሎ ድማ ነቲ ደላይ ለውጢ ዕንቅፋት ኮይንዎ ዘሎ እዚ ርኹስ ሸነኽ እዩ ::

    እቲ እንደልዮ ዘለና ለውጢ ክሕዞ ዘለዎ – ንውሳኔታቱ ሓላፍነት ዝወስድ ድኣ እምበር ከምቲ ተዓዘብናዮ ምስ “ኢትዮጵያ ኮይኖም – ወያኔ ኮይኖም ” ዝብል ፕሮፖጋንዳ ህግደፍ ነበር ከዳዓት ዝወሃብ ጸለመ ዘሰንብዶ ሓይሊ ኣይኮነን :: ንዝጀመሮ ስራሕ ብዘይ ድሕርምሕር ዝፍጽም ሓይሊ (ግንባር ) የድልየና ኣሎ :: እቲ ኣንፈት ዘርኣየ ሸነኽ ምብርትዑ ወይ ውን ተመሳሳሊ ሓይሊ ምጥራይ ጌጋ ኣይኮነን :: ተበግሶ ድኣ ይሃሉ እምበር ቁጠባዊ ይኹን ዕጥቃዊ ሓገዝ ሲ ዝፍረሖ ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን – ጥራይ ኣጠቃቅማ ::

    ክቡር ሓው ካብ ዘለኒ ሕጽረት ግዜ ነቲ ክብሎ ዝደለኹ ከም’ቲ ዝድለ ኣይጸሕፍኩውን ይኸውን ይቅሬታ ::

    እንታይ ምበላካ ሓው ዓብደረዛቕ

  • Kokhob Selam

    Dear Ismail AA,

    your comment was interesting one. I think it will be more important and interesting if you come with more details.

    • Ismail AA

      Thanks Kokhob Selam,
      I would be glad to add what you might have missed and wanted more detail. But I would like you to be specific, and help me with the points on which you wanted details on.
      Ismail AA

      • Kokhob Selam

        Dear Ismail AA,

        1- “But what I missed was how to come out with the agency that is supposed to bring the catalyst (diaspora) and the internal forces of change to connect” this was the question I asked to my self since ever and I came to concussion there must be the linking way out which might be a bit tough for all-one armed party — I couldn’t really see the civil organizations will have abilities more than what we have seen. Yet I feel you have more experience and to get more detailed experience information on this part ,

        2- The EPLF leadership had so many secrete agreements and some open agreements then. Even yesterday on our national day the mad man was still blaming Washington and it seems to me there are a lot of untold secrets as for Washington it will be the job of one hour to destroy the entire Eritrean organization called PFDJ. this leadership was and is part of the international political games. Opposition has badly failed when comes to this part of political games – I really remember Osman Saleh Sabe and others of our national struggle years for their role on international political field it is unfortunate we don’t lost those men. PFDJ with it’s all neglected actions and stands has played the game perfectly. Arab nations know very well PFDJ is not reliable but they don’t have choice since we don’t have someone who can play it correctly. in here I am sorry but again the time and effort we spend on creating umbrellas and unity of all those parties has killed and weekend the experienced elders who could have worked on this subject. This again let me come to conclusion to have one party instead of waiting to see unity of parties, parties who are contaminated by paralyzing germs of PFDJ.

        in both cases I really don’t understand why we think of catalysts when we can have the creative force that we can fully support and fully work with.

        But brother Ismail since you are experienced you may have your say and I wish you come with more explanation on how to hold this urgent and sensitive issue .

        • Ismail AA

          Dear Kokhob

          Thank you for your prompt response to my earlier request.

          Of course the points you have raised are crucial in both practical and conceptual realms. I admit the space the forum we are using to exchange views may not be suited for long or detail discourse on these issues; I would have been glad to take time and collect the necessary material to provide broader perspective had my circumstances helped. So, I will try to let you know my view in brief.

          As to your first point (agency), I was alluding to the fact that implementing what Abdulrazig had
          persuasive provided is crucial and more difficult to achieve. Briefly, I was wondering how we would able to create a means necessary to let the various elements in the process of change to react in unison, and stage credible challenge to the regime, which also no outside player could ignore as a
          representative alternative. From what Abdulrazig has written, we are yet to sort out how the national endeavours inside and outside will be integrated. In other words, who will take the role of command and control? So far, as you have mentioned all efforts to establish a working agency of change did not bear any quantifiable result. I mean the umbrellas in all forms did not work due to the various reasons ranging from subjective and objective factors.

          In regard to your point on challenging the PFDJ on the regional and international arena, the culprit of our failed is more of domestic nature. The same reasons that hindered us from staging sufficient force internally did play role to deny us mobilizing solidarity outside. And, I agree with you that it is less for PFDJ strength than the opposition weakness.

          Moreover, my point on citing the London Meeting of 1990 under Herman Cohen, and which brought together the EPRDF, EPLF and OLM, was that at that time we knew that any government that the Americans would support would not be critical or hostile to Israel. Furthermore, two or three year before that the big media outlets in the West, principally in USA, had launched active campaign in favour of the TPLF and EPLF to establish among international public opinion that the two front had transformed from leftist tendencies they had advocated to genuine nationalist agenda of liberation.

          When Isayas visited the USA before the London Meeting, he was received with a lot of endorsement across the various segments of the USA foreign relation establishment. On his return, he directly flew to Saudi Arabia with presumably recommendation of USA authorities. That trip was to allay the fears, or let us say would-be misgivings about the EPLF in that part of the world though the EPLF already had strong foothold there and the rest of Gulf States after the exit of the ELF from the field military operation in 1982.

          To make a long story short, after the establishment of the so called provisional government in Asmara, Isayas and his government launched a sudden uncalled for campaign against countries that supported the Eritrean cause since the 60s. The campaign concentrated on Syria and the Palestinians for reasons that need not be detailed, while on the other hand quickly establishing relations with the State of Israel that because safe and convenient place for Isaya’s malaria
          Ismail AA

          • Kokhob Selam

            Dear Ismail AA

            Thanks man. what a wonderful observer are you! the more you write the more one wants to learn from you. why don’t come with an article on the same subject.

            ግርም ኣስተብህሎ ካብ ሃለወካ ሕጂ ውን ንምሉእ ዓንቀጽ ቁሊሕ ክብል ተገዲደ :: ሓውካ ድማ ተስፋ ከንብረልካ ንቡር እዩ :- ሃየ እንደሞ ጆባእ በለና !

  • Peace!

    Dear Abdulrazig,

    Thank you! I think this, by far, is the most realistic approach and well crafted road map for sustainable change that will only come from within. You eloquently addressed in detail most integral and critical weaknesses of the struggle for change with deep analysis that offers avenues to unite all ደለይቲ ፍትሒ under one realistic banner. On the other hand, the well written article is also a cold glass of water for our exhausted opposition groups to pause and think about doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different result which has been the obvious case for the last eighteen years.


  • Hope

    Yes,Sir,Ustaz Adulraziq:

    It is, indeed, our collective obligation and cannot agree more with you.

    “…..let’s all take upon ourselves to materialize such suggestion”..
    Let us focus on the Implementation of the Strategies.
    There is no window for rebuttal of your Articles and suggestions but to expand them …
    No need of further Metaphysics.

  • Mahmud Saleh

    Dear Abdulraziq
    I know I will disappoint some friends, but they know what I will mean; and it’s consistent with what I have been saying.
    Firstly, I want to tell you that you have came very closely to my views. I have been saying similar opinions in the past two years.
    1. While many argued that Eritrean stiffness resilience and militaristic culture must be broken, I argued that those qualities could also be used for catalyzing change.
    2. While many mocked and downplayed Eritrea’s epic and heroic journey to independence, I argued those records belong to Eritreans; few of us underlined that all the good achievements belong to Eritreans and all bad stuff belongs to the party ruling Eritrea, because it’s ruling without any actual mandate bestowed upon it. We argued that we should not leave those positive traits to be celebrated by and associated with PFDJ; we should not have PFDJ own Eritreans’ heroic history. My debaters assumed the known TPLF position that belittles and negates Eritreans epic contributions to the independence of their country and to the demise of Durg from power in Ethiopia. They defended Ethiopian policies more than they promoted Eritrean interests. The result is clear. While PFDJ is able to rally Eritreans in Eritrea and across the globe, the organized political opposition is in a disarray; it could not even hold itself tight let alone to see it standing to be the alternative to the current regime.
    3. I argued that the realistic and ideal change will and should come from inside. I pushed the idea that the Diaspora should play it smart; it could not impose a change on Eritreans, but it could play a catalyst agent by coordinating its efforts with domestic forces. I called that it should focus more on things it could realistically do: advocacy, media….I actually repeated the term catalyst so many times, at the end I stopped talking about the political organizations,
    4. Many a time I came into confrontations with individuals I respect because of issues related to separating Eritrea as a state and PFDJ. I famously said we should not strangulate Eritrea in order to get rid of IA. I said we should not use a kitchen knife in order to excise out PFDJ.
    5. I fiercely defended Eritrean ghedli, and for that I was called names by some misinformed and confused debaters.
    6. Western ideas of libertarianism such as the views pertaining to the role of government vis-à-vis citizen and economy could not be copied and applied in countries such as Eritrea.
    6. Regarding foreign relations: I argued that when Eritrea expands its orbits of influence, when it engages the international community:
    a/ it accelerates domestic change
    b/ Expansionist Ethiopian regimes could realize that their encirclement is futile, Eritrea could survive without the; and that they should come to their senses and solve the border problem the way they signed it.
    Coming to your point:
    I believe you missed the primary reasons as to why the political organizations are not making progress.
    1. They lack the essence of what they profess. They profess they are for justice and democracy yet they fail to exhibit those qualities in solving their own problems. Eritrea has been ready for change for decades now. But their origin goes back to the old politics of the 80s and 70s; the core organizations had already been in existence long before Eritrea was independent. Therefore, for the core cadre of those organizations, their reason of existence was not justice and democracy but fighting and punishing EPLF. With the independence they made some cosmetic changes, but the core cadres and the movers and the shakers of those organizations remain to be those who had fought EPLF while EPLF was fighting Ethiopian occupational army. The politics of grudges and retribution has taken its toll. Eritreans are smarter than they appear to the gullible cadre of those organizations. Therefore, the main reason why they are not making headway in appealing to the public by registering progress in the areas of justice and democracy is because they were not created to achieve that goal; they are poorly equipped to even entertain that idea. You need no more explanation. Their score card tells it all.
    2. Another reason why they have been rendered useless is the fact that their position in many questions is almost the same with that of the Ethiopian. They were effective in advancing Ethiopian interests more than they could do their own let alone Eritrean interest. Eritreans have long stopped counting them, in part because of their squabbling and ever expanding multiplying, and in part because their stances are not distinguishable from that of Ethiopia when it comes to Eritrean questions.
    New reality must begin. I know there are many dedicated Eritreans who are doing the best they could do to instill life into these organizations, but I would confidently say it is fruitless. New direction, new motivation, and a vision based on Eritrean reality are needed.
    PS: Happy Independence Day. It is one of the best show of Eritreanness. To the disappoint of few*, Eritrean flag is flying high by Eritreans, opposition and HGDF alike. We will all join today to celebrate our independence.
    * They make you hate Eritrean flag; then they make you hate Eritrean struggle, then they make you hate Eritrean state, then Eritrean identity….they take away what makes you Eritrean layer by layer; you become naked; then they laugh at your naked being.
    Good reading, and thank you for this mature article. Please some more.

    • Ismail AA

      Ahlen Mahmud,
      “….the core organizations had already been in existence long before Eritrea was independent …”. “…for the core cadre of those organizations, their reason of existence was not justice and democracy but fighting and punishing EPLF.” “…but the core cadres and the movers and the shakers of those organizations remain to be those who had fought EPLF while EPLF was fighting Ethiopian occupational army.” “… they have been rendered useless is the fact that their position in many questions is almost the same with that of the Ethiopian. They were effective in advancing Ethiopian interests more than they could do their own let alone Eritrean interest.”. Is this gross generalization? About which organizations are you talking? It is known that there are organizations who have ideological relationship with Ethiopia. But there are also others who are not.
      I thought you seemed to have wished that the author should first denounce the organizations and then proceed with what he had to say which you welcomed as nearer to the idea you had advocated in the past. I think the author’s aim which in my view successfully attained, was to make sober assessment of the situation and not to serve verdict on what the opposition have or have not done. I do not think Abdulrazig was out to appraise the work of the opposition in the first place. He strived to identify the stakeholders in change across the population – inside and outside, and both will have to integrate their roles in order to bring about the needed change as necessary bedrock for rebuilding their nation and society in peace and unity.
      So, with due respect, I just failed to grasp where you are coming from and consider dealing with the score card of the organized forces as missed opportunity on the part of the Abdulrazig.
      With regards,
      Ismail AA

      • Hope

        Ahlen Ya ustaz ismail–

        This can give you a hint to your inquires.
        “To the disappoint of few*,

        “To the disappoint of few*, Eritrean flag is flying high by Eritreans, opposition and HGDF alike. We will all join today to celebrate our independence.
        * They make you hate Eritrean flag; then they make you hate Eritrean struggle, then they make you hate Eritrean state, then Eritrean identity….they take away what makes you Eritrean layer by layer; you become naked; then they laugh at your naked being.


        .”To the disappoint of few*, (Not generalizing ,bro!).
        Read carefully and attentively.

        “….the core organizations had already been in existence long before Eritrea was independent …”.

        “…for the core cadre of those organizations, their reason of existence was not justice and democracy but fighting and punishing EPLF.”

        “…but the core cadres and the movers and the shakers of those organizations remain to be those who had fought EPLF while EPLF was fighting Ethiopian occupational army.”

        “… they have been rendered useless is the fact that their position in many questions is almost the same with that of the Ethiopian. They were effective in advancing Ethiopian interests more than they could do their own let alone Eritrean interest.”.

        A Second Grader Eritrean. Who lived during that period of time the Vet Is talking about can answer and clarify things for you.
        There might be few of those here in our very own…
        I worked with this kind of “few” Opportunists during the Dergue Era in the Heart of keren…call them the 5th Columnists or Unionists, these are/might be the few ones Vet Mahmud Salih might be talking about per my naïve understanding….and they are back now with different names and clothes.
        Tesfalidet Bahlibi in his unique Tigrniya said it at”Nitenkek tairkh yiddghemm keyhillu”!
        Roughly translated:
        “Let us be careful/stay vigilant as history might be repeating itself-negatively”.

    • Hope

      Ahlen Ya Ustaz Mahmud:
      Every body here knows that you have been the Champion of the Champions–in all aspects.
      Those,who attempted to discredit you are the same and the very same ones you mentioned…
      Keep marching while the dogs are barking–

    • tes

      Dear Mahmud Saleh,

      Well, I was following you seriously for the last two years and I remained your stunt criticizer. Now you seem that you have said enough and almost reached to a conclusion of saying(I have read your Tigrigna Article at meshrefet – I don’t know why you can’t face the challenge here in this web for the idea that you are proposing), “I have said it all”. I am organizing my thoughts to build a counter argument and possibly to produce it in article form while waiting your second, or plus parts.

      In the mean while, let me say this.

      Unless there is an artificial history that need to be defended, true history is a pillar of immortal defense on its own-self..

      In line to the above statement, I believe that Eritrean 30 years struggle does not need defense less the PFDJ fabricated current historical narration. I am afraid therefore you might be wasting your valuable and expensive energy defending this artificial history of PFDJ now available for the mass.

      Plus, the Ghedli history is a collection of ELF and EPLF, untold public history plus other forces of struggle history. I am afraid to say that you are only defending the EPLF-Ghedli history. Therefore be specific to which category of the ghedli you are defending about.

      At last, I will not meet you at meshrefet but I will try to put my ideas in the way I can here in this web.


      • Abi

        Hi Professor Tes
        I’m having difficulty understanding your comment. I mean I always have difficulty understanding your comment. Could you please elaborate the first part of your comment.( the one in bold letters.)
        You said,” It was history of 1890-1962 that defended Eritrean people to have their own country.”
        I’m I missing something here? I’m totally lost here.
        Somebody help!

        • Kokhob Selam

          Dear Abi,

          you have been always lost brother. this gentle man is explaining to those who are narrow minded that the nation has been created when colonizers hold power in Eritrea in 1890 and there was chance since then to fight for independent.. additional to that since the armed struggle started there were fronts fighting like EPLF. I think this is what he mean if I am not lost like you.

          just more from my side let me add one thing more..for me Eritrean long struggle was accomplished by Eritrean people not by EPLF leadership. the present of EPLF has delayed our victory and if someone wants to know what I am saying is correct or wrong he will have to go back and find out what was the actions of that old leadership. But more than that someone can see the reality today and judge that leadership was not for freedom. the continuation of PFDJ on power is the death of Eritrea as nation – which you may love it .. Lol.

          • Abi

            Thank you for deciphering the writings of the modern day Nostradamus. It takes a genius to understand him.

            Now, I don’t want to go between you two tegenTay wenbedewoch and got crushed in the process. However, Vet Mahmud has always been for reforming PFDJ. I hope he will come with his winding and comel looking hateta to explain what he meant.
            I have three problems here.
            1) I don’t understand Tigrigna
            2) I don’t trust Tes’s translation skills.
            3) You sound biased

            If Mahmud Saleh said ” he care less who rules the country as long as the country is moving forward “, I say to him welcome to the “dabo first ” party. I see no problem in his stand and this stand doesn’t make him a PFDJ . For example, I care less who rules my country as long as there is development (dabo) for all. Does it mean I’m
            TPLF/ EPRDF? I don’t think so.
            The rest of your comment regarding EpLF,freedom, enashenfalen, we removed derg…. I call it Eritrean struggle for self extinction. Sorry, it was a collective madness.

            Kokobe, I think you put a wrong zip code and state in your gps. You found yourself in New York instead of New Jersey. Which means you are lost in the concrete jungle of New York City. Try again or ask Mr Nosradamus for help.

          • Kokhob Selam

            Dear Abi,

            you will not be crushed between us but you will be crushed by our united powerful arm as we will be united when comes to our national independent. Lol.

            but really Mahmuday care less who lead the nation as you have put it.. not me. in my case I care who leads the nation and I want to make sure it is moving forward. that is the difference ..I said it honestly that the good being of one nation depends on our choice. PFDJ is not leading but killing and I will not put him as one of the choices at all –

          • Abi

            ” Either the banana is on the knife or the knife is on the banana, the danger is on the banana.”
            I don’t want to be a banana between two knives.

          • Kokhob Selam


            Lol, you are killing me.. so if you are banana we better send you to Yemane Monkey or his supporters, ha ha ha. don’t count me on this I am not the one. or better go to lions field as they don’t eat banana. ” ኣቅምን ኣውቆ መኖር ጥሩ ነው – ታላቅ ችሎታ ነው “

          • Abi

            What? Are you telling me the lions in Eritrean jungles don’t eat banana?
            At least the Sahil Monkeys are still eating bananas.
            I got an old joke for you
            This Ethiopian student was in restaurant in the former USSR (CCCP) was busy fighting a bone. A Russian student next to him was quietly eating his potato salad.
            Russian student asked, ” What do dogs eat in your country?”
            The Ethiopian still fighting the bone replied “potatoes “.

            Don’t mess with an Ethiopian while eating a bone. The lion in him will eat all the Monkeys in Sahil mountain.

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Dear brother Abdulrazig,

    I really apreciate the effort in your contribution predicated on solution oriented proposals. That is the missed component in our political conversations. However, I will differ in your diagnostic analysis of the regime we have and on the primary forces of change to the kind of regime at hand. I thought to respond in a commentary form to your well written articles. But I change my mind, and rather have opted to respond and rebut in a similar article form. I will try to do that with the limited time I have, however it might take me long time to consolidate my views and frame my argument as alternative to yours for the public to discuss it. Actually your articles definetly propolled my thoughts that were waiting for proper time to bring them up for discussion. Thank you for the provoking argument you made in both pieces.

    Amanuel Hidrat

    • Abdulrazig

      Salam Abe Seb; Amanuel

      I am glad that my article has provoked you as bro Ismail mentioned, and I am looking forward to your response. I am quite sure neither of us is looking for a patent in this stage, rather we are all striving to craft a doable roadmap that leads us to stable and democratic country.

      • Mahmud Saleh

        Dear Abdulraziq and Ismail Ahmef
        Selam both.
        Abdulraziq: Just to say that you are a rare gem around here. Time permitted I won’t leave your article hanging. Will give it a due review. I was in a hurry and jotted what read which does not serve article the fairness it deserves.
        Ustaz Ismail: Thanks,i appreciate your admonishment, will get back with a concise reply.

        • Abdulrazig

          Dear brother Mahmud Saleh ; I am flattered, many thanks for your time and effort, Indeed there are many points of convergence we need to build on it, and divergence as well need more elaborations from all of us, and this can only be done through honest and transparent dialogue. To this end, your constructive input is essential . Looking forward.

    • Ema Abdu

      tigrina minority tribe domnite Eritrean government

      • Kokhob Selam

        Dear Ema Abdu,
        I notice your short phrases without any explanation, you are playing negative role. I thought of correcting you if are willing!

        • Ema Abdu

          According to Wikipedia, it is characterized by Eritrea, like other African countries and other countries of the diversity of religions, but it is estimated that 75% of the population are Sunni Muslims and 10% of Orthodox Christians and 10% are Christian, Catholic, 3% Protestant Christians and others 0.2% residual local traditional religions

  • Hope

    Selamat Bro Abdulrazig Kerrar!
    Beyond Epic.
    I asked Prof Dr Salih AA Younis to come up with such a kind of analysis(hope he is doing well with his draft on Prosecuting the GoE and its Three major Branches).
    Thanks for making your promise a reality, Big Bro!
    I enjoyed it.
    Perfect analysis without bias and prejudice.
    The big question is:
    The Action/Implementation part of it.
    -A Coordinated and Centralized Mass Media could have played a big role.
    Am not sure if you listed the short-coming and the failures of the Diaspora in detail as I cannot blame the people at home.
    To mention few of them:
    -The External Interference(Ethiopian and others) Factor-Lack of Independence and Neutrality Factors-Mr George mentioned it correctly.
    -The Trust issue/Factor
    -The Unity Factor(the divide and rule tactic used by both the TPLF and PFDJ to keep the Opposition dismantled)
    -Lack of coordination of the Struggle
    -Lack of a centralized and coordinated Mass Media
    -Lack of Centralized Leadership
    -The Ego, Old grudges and Competition Factors.
    I guess Mederkh is trying to achieve the above.
    Hope Medrekh and the EDA/ENDC in general and the seemingly Independent Progressive and organized parties like the EPDP can come up with a Better, Stronger, United and Centralized Leadership.
    Hope you will come up with part III of your Article, dealing in detail with the short-comings of the diaspora and ways to go in a direct way even though you addressed the major issues and Strategies…
    You already mentioned the essence of Coordination between the Diaspora and the home-based Opposition and the importance of Mass Mobilization.
    Both Human and Financial Resources are very essential to achieve those Strategies.
    I am looking for Concrete and Realistic and Practical approaches….as we have enough analysis and reports..

  • Mehari the ferrari

    ዝኸበርካ ኣለም፣

    እቲ ርእይቶኻ ተግባራውን ኣብ ሕልሚ ደርሆ (fantasy)ዘይተመርኰሰን እዩ።ንነገራት ከም ንደልዮም ዘይኮነስ ከም ዘለውዎ ንግምግምሞሞ ክልተ ኤርትራውያን ኣለና (ኣነን ንስኻን)።ብሓቂ ኣንጻር ሻዕብያ (ህግደፍ) ተቓሊስና ክንዕወት እንተዄንና ከምቲ ኣሕዋትና ተጋደልቲ/ሸፋቱ) ዝገበርዎ ፣ንህዝቢ ሃገረሰብ ምግቡን ደቁን እናመንዛዕና ,ንደቀንስትዮ መርዑት ካብ ንእዲ ሕጽኖተን ኣውሪድና ፣ሃገራዊ ግዴታ ይዓቢ ኢልና ፣ንተጋደልቲ (ሸፋቱ)ድሙ ድሙ እናጸሞቕና ፣እሞ ዝተባሳጨዋ ደቀንስትዮ ነዚ ብርቱዕ መስተ ምስ ሰተያ ካብ ሓሙሽተ ብሄር ሾውዓተ ቆልዑ ጸይረን “ብዓወት” ክኣትዋ፣ ደቂ ተባዕትዮ ተጋደልቲ ድማ መዝሓል ስጋዊ ድልየቶም ኣይስእኑን ,ክሳዕ ኣስመራ ኣትዮም ፍሬሻት ደቀስመራ ዝምርዓዉ።ንዝሓንገዱ ኣውራጃ ፈሊና እናሓረድና፣ንእስላማዊ ሃይማኖት እናሰይጠንና,ደቂ ከበሳ ክርስትያን መኽተቢ እናገበርና።ኣብ ጊዜ ሕቶን መልስን ብርትዕ ዝበለ ሕቶ ዝሓተቱ ገባራት ለይቲ ተጋደልቲ (ሸፋቱ)እናልኣኽና ጨዊና እናሕቀቕና፣ እዚ ከይገበርና ግን ፣ህዝብና ብሰላም ክነብር ዝደልን ዘይሃገራውን ስለ ዝኾነ ሽፍትነት (ገድሊ ዝብል ኣፍዩ)ፈጢርና ኣብ ትሕቲ ዓርኮብኮባይ ታሪኽ እናመሃዝና ፣ናይ ሕሶት ብሄር (ትግራዋይ ዝነበረ ናብ ህዝበ ትግርኛ እናቐየርና)ነቲ መምጽኢኡን መስረቱን ዝፈልጥ ህዝቢ ጀበርቲ ግን ብሄር ኣይኮንካን ኢልና እናዓመጽና ክሳዕ ዘይተጉዓዝና ከምቲ ቃልሲ ሰውራና “ጽሩይን ሓቀኛ” ቃልሲ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን እዩ።
    ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ፈትዩ ኢዩ ተቓሊሱ ምባል ዝተዓመጸት ጓል እሞ ብባህሊ ተጽዕኖ ነቲ ዝዓመጻ እንተተመርዓወት ፈትያ እያ ተዓሚጻ ከም ምባል እዩ ዝቝጸር።

  • George

    Dear Mr. Kerar,

    It is evident that you have smartly left out any mention of Ethiopia out of your equation. That is where it stops, in that you still are focused in changing the GOE. In other words you are not different than the rest, so-called “justices seekers” even our arch enemy Ethiopia. Where is the clearly defined and articulated statement about the distractive and evil agenda of US and its puppets against Eritrea. GOE or not it is beyond doubt that US and its puppets are hell bent on reversing our hard won freedom. That much is clear to many Eritreans. Many Eritreans, even those who disagree with GOE have witness the unhelpful and down right evil action perpetuated around the globe against sovereign nations. What happened in Libya? What is happening in Syria? Days are gone you can say DEMOCRACY and win people minds and hearts. It doesn’t work that way. Peoples awareness, specially Eritreans are way ahead of the evil agenda. The fact that you and your so-called reformers to this day have not grasp the concern and awareness of the Eritrean people both inside and outside shows either your motives are inline with the enemy or you guy are not that qualified to even lead a girl scout to ice cream stand.

    Thank you.

  • Nitricc

    Hi Abdulrazig
    “Eritrean inside the country are as capable as any other people of revolting against injustice if a conducive environment is created.”
    I know people are having a hack of difficulty to grasp the reality and the truth about Eritrea. But The entire Eritrean population are militarily trained and weaponry armed; if the people inside of Eritrea are so repressed and subjected to inhumane treatment by the government then why are they not revolting?
    You even vouch for the people of Eritrea when you said..
    “In fact, Eritreans are known for their resilience and determination, values that were tested during the armed struggle and eventually achieved independence.”
    So, my friend; you need to evaluate the whole situation and try to approach it with a logical way. After all that all what logic means. If governments represse their own citizens because the government possossess a gun; then what happens when the people do the same? Ahhhh; logic?
    “If it was so, it might be; and if it were so, it would be; but as it isn’t; it ain’t”

    • A.Osman

      Dear Nitricc,

      By your logic N.Korea must be the happiest place on earth. We need to be careful from believing all the lies that are propogated on the western media. Not only are the people in NKorea armed to the teeth and not revolting, I have never seen so much love expressed by the subjects to their leader.

      The 30 years struggle is not the norm, it is an exception. It makes it difficult to analyse some traits or characteristics of our people (that’s if you can identify one for all) based on that short period of history. Rather than assuming a revolt straight out of a repressive environment, we need to search for the missing elements that prevent an internal revolt. Maybe not for you as you are happy with the status quo.


      • Nitricc

        Hey Osman; Not that i am happy with status quo but what alternative do i have? You guys act like you gave as any other alternative and we rejected it. Finally there was a hope with Medrek and they bend to the weyane dollars and they are dead. that is that. you like it or not; what you have is PFDJ!!!! and i advice to every one to challenge and correct PFDJ the way to the future.
        And please stop comparing Eritrea with NK. there is nothing; even remotely any similarity at all. NK they might be armed but they may not know how to use it, not how fire it but TO USE IT and if you think Eritreans don’t know how to use it; then your name must be Semere Andom; the white Canadian. there is a huge difference between Eritrea and NK .