Inform, Inspire, Embolden. Reconcile!

Constitutional Reform And Reconciliation

Introduction:The major division of thoughts in philosophy is the relationship between “being” and “thinking” and the definition of what the world is consisting of – in primary instance. Materialism claims that, in the first instance – the world is just “a matter in motion” and our mind, awareness, and thoughts are secondary property of matter. Idealism on the other hand claims that, there is no such “material world”. The world in first instance is our “mental process, mind, and thoughts” – and that what we perceive is not “an entity on itself” but created by the mind.

In the same breath and philosophical language, I will give you a sketch – as to what the relationship between “constitutional reform” and “reconciliation” and their primary instance in the Eritrean Political process as we go forward to create a stable and peaceful “Eritrean state.”  But before I proceed to the topic at hand, I will give you a small illustrative sketch, that has served as a “political vignette” in the transitional period, including the constitutional process and the outcome of the process.  I characterized the transitional period of the 1997 constitutional process as the “Carthaginian peace” purported for the subjugation of ELF organization and its supporters, and by extension to the Eritrean people as whole. What is the Carthaginian peace in the Eritrean political landscape then? And what are the consequences of that peace treaty? To answer those questions, I will try to show the historical process of its becoming, its purpose, and the negative seeds sown to our diversity. Furthermore, I will try to hint the unifying factor for the current struggle and how we could strengthen the coexistence of our diversity.

The ‘Carthaginian Peace’ Of Eritrean Politics

The “Carthaginian peace” is the outcome of a series of wars –the “Punic wars” between Rome and the Phoenician city of “Carthage,” with the goal to impose a “brutal peace” and enslave its population. Now in modern politics, Carthaginian peace is referred to any brutal peace treaty demanding total subjugation of the defeated adversary and their supporters.

The Eritrean national liberation was fought by two organizations namely the ELF and EPLF. These two organizations had fought a series of civil wars against each other, to dominate the field and the political power. The civil war ended in 1981 with the defeat of ELF organization. Unfortunately, EPLF declared the “Carthaginian peace” in early 90s by banning any political organization, demanding full subjugation to its adversary ELF organization and its bases within the Eritrean population. The Eritrean people blindfolded by the success of EPLF organization, failed to see the forthcoming of the afterwards, that they will also be subjugated to the whim of the organization and its leaders. Now the Eritrean people are fighting to abolish the Carthaginian treaty between PFDJ and and the Eritrean people the “brutal peace” that enslaved the whole population.

These author is more concerned on the aftermath of the fall of the current authoritarian regime than on how to strategize the current struggle to expedite the fall of the regime. I am concerned on how to confront the past and face the future, in order not to let history to repeat again. Henceforth, this article will focus on “constitutional reform” and “reconciliation” as the way forward to resolve the intricate Eritrean politics.

When we debate Constitutional reform and reconciliation, usually comes the issue of “primary instance” and the philosophical relationship between them, akin to “materialism vs idealism”. I have debated this issue with my Eritrean compatriots rigorously on, one on one or in a group format several times. And here, I will share my view with the public, and hoping to contribute and stimulate constructive engagement on this vital political process, to determine the future of our country. Before I spell out my positions and the argument I was making, a little historical background is paramount to help our deliberation.

Confronting The Past And Facing The Future

The issue of reconciliation could be seen from two contextual perspectives (a) transition from authoritarian rule to democracy (b) transition from war to peace. In our modern era, we have witnessed many transitions to democracy – that are prevailed in Southern Europe in 1970, in Latin America in 1980, and in Africa and Eastern Europe in 1990. The process to peace and democracy is therefore, could be rapid as in the case of Greece in 1970, or slow and partial as in the case of Chile in 1990. Equally, the depth and the pace of the process also depend on the proximate variables of the conflicts. As a result, the process could be catalyzed by external intervention as in a case of Iraq, or by way of negotiation and formal participation of United Nation as in a case of Guatemala, or by negotiation but without the formal participation of United Nation as in the case of Ghana, or with broad concession of Amnesty as in the case of Sierra Leone.

In all the cases I mentioned, it shows that each of them has a unique character, dictated by the variables around them and the peculiarity of their make up. But, despite their differences in the process they went through, they often wrestle with similar moral, legal, and political challenges. History attest that nations emerged from armed struggle or authoritarian regime are usually suffer from massive violation of human rights, as in the case of Eritrea.

To confront the legacy of violations, the new transitional governments must establish “transitional justice” as in the case of Sri Lanka. The purpose of transitional justice, is therefore squarely to confront legacies of abuse in a holistic manner, within the legal institutions, comprising criminal justice, restorative justice, social justice, and economic justice. The transitional justice must also recognize the policy that seeks measures to achieve accountability for past crimes and the prevention of new crimes. The criminal justice will adjudicate its duty and recognize that the action and measures deemed to be taken should balance to the need of peace, democracy, equitable developments, and rule of law.

Transitional justice has four accountability tools (a) trials – be it civil or criminal (b) fact finding bodies that include “truth commission” – national or international (c) reparations – be it compensatory, restitutive, or rehabilitative (d) reform of justice – includes reform of law, institutions, and personnel’s. In the implementation mechanisms of transitional justice, “the fundamental and critical issue that must be given priority is the victims right to truth and justice [Bhavani Fonseka & Luwie Ganeshathasan, 2016]. In forming the hybrid transitional justice, there are many non partisan national and international organizations (NGOs) that could play a great deal in framing the mechanisms of transitional justice and the process of reconciliation.

Apriori Reasoning: Constitutional Reform VS Reconciliation

The material world we live in, is made up of pairs of opposites. And therefore, our thoughts are evolved from those pairs of opposites of material and spiritual worlds, thereby framing the debates of opposites in the real world. As in the contextual debates of pairs of opposites of Materialism versus Idealism, regarding which comes first, there are also similar debates in every pairs of opposites.

For sometimes I have debated with friends and colleagues on the requirements of constitutional reform and reconciliation, and how their priority should set in motion one after the other in future Eritrea.

Now, the question is, how can we truly reconciled, while our social groups and political groups (organizations) continue to exist in a relatively disadvantaged and also continue to remain on the margins of social and political spectrum of our society?  Therefore, in order our society to be reconciled, something has to be done as a prerequisite to challenge the trust-deficit that looms within our diversity. In my view and for starters, constitutional reform will lesson the current trust-deficit and pave the road to national reconciliation.

In the heated debate, my argument was and is pivoted, that in the presence of history of exclusion, constitutional reform precedes reconciliation “to reframe and reset our relationship as a nation and to establish new relationship that opens our hearts and minds” [ Mick Gorda, 2011], to bring harmony and equity in the sociopolitical and socioeconomic lives of our society. Reconciliation is the process of repairing a relationship so that re-engagement, trust, and cooperation become possible after transgression or violation [Wilmot and Hecker, 2011, pp 323]. The whole purpose of reconciliation is therefore, as “family of actions intended to break or prevent destructive cycles of human interactions” [Bright and Exline, 2009, pp-1].

Reconciliation does not dismiss or minimize the harm that was incurred in the past nor will be indifferent about justice. Reconciliation is about acknowledging the truth of what happened without providing excuse to the behaviors of individuals that causes the harm. But, instead make them accountable for their actions. As Lederach explained, reconciliation is where justice and peace have kissed each other [Lederach, 1998, pp-22].

As a matter of fact, some notable historical references could be a teaching moment to our reality. Mashingaidze, referring to the healing and reconciliation project of Zimbabweans, had to say this: Zimbabweans have failed to heal and reconcile after major crises, because the national leadership accorded premium to the state-sanctioned ideal of forgiveness without truth, and reconciliation without justice [Mashingaidze, 2010, pp-21]. Ideally, the 2012, Turkey constitutional reform model seem to fit and good to start with, that includes the formation of “constitutional reconciliation commission” with numbers of subcommittees in it.  Once a reconciled constitutional document is produced and ratified by the National Assembly, then follows the process of reconciliation and the popular election of National leaderships, both for the legislative and chief executive offices as deemed in the constitution and the election laws. Please note, that my argument is bounded and or limited to the process, its model, and its philosophical approach; and thus, the details is left out to the constitutional reconciliation commission (CRC).

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  • Kokhob Selam

    ክቡር ብጻይ ኣማኑኤል :

    ቃል እዛ ዕለት:— ቅድሚ ቅዋማዊ ሓደነት ብጾትና ንናዲ ብጾትና ኣብ ሓደ ንጠርንፍ – ኮኾብ ሰላም
    ስለምንታይ እየ ብኣኻ ዝግደስን ምስኻ ብዙሕ ዘዕልልን ስክፍታታተይ ዝገልጽን :- ብጻይ ስልዝኾንካ ::

    ድሕሪ ‘ታ ቀዳመይቲ ከም ተራ ዕላል ዘቅረብኩዋ ጽሑፍ ከም መዘኻኸሪ ዘንበርካዮ ሓበሬታ ኣንቢበዮ : ብርግጽ ኩለን ዓንቀጻትካ ደጋጊመ ከየንበብኩ ሓሊፈየን ኣይፈልጥን እየ : ግዳ ነቲ ዘሎ ኣተኣሳሳሪ ሓሳብት ንምፍታሽ ንድሕሪት ተመሊሰ ኣንቢበየን እየ :: ኣነ’ ኳ ሓዲስ ዘይተሰወጠኒ ሓሳባት ክህሉ እዩ ኢለ ኣይገመትኩን- ሓቂ ንምዝራብ ግን እቲ ሕጂ ደጊመ ምንባበይ ጠቂሙኒ እዩ ::እቲ በቀጻሊ ክጽሕፎ ዝሓሰብኩ ሓውሲ ዕላል ግዳ ኸኣ ዘንተሞጎት ዝተሓወሶ ርኢቶ ኣወንዚፈ ኸኣ ነቲ ኣድላይ ጥራይ ዝበልክዎ እንሆ ይቅጽሎ :: ንስለ ምድንጓየይ ይቅሬታ እቲ ቀንዲ ምኽን ያት ኣትኩሮይ ኣብ ወድዓዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ተ ሳሒቡ ስለዝቀነየ እዩ ::

    ንዝሓለፈት ዕላል ግርም ከምዘስተብሃልካላ ተዓዚበ : ወላ ‘ኳ ነቲ ዕላል ኣብ ክልተ መቂለዮ እንተነበርኩ ናበይ ገጸይ ይኸይድ ከምዘለኹ ከተስተብህል ኣይጸገመካን : ብርግጽ ሕጂ ውን ንክልቲኡ ኣምራት ዘተኣሳሳር ገመድ እንዳ ኣድመቅኩን እናሓየልኩን እዩ ክቅጽሎ ::

    ኣረዳድኣ ነገራውነትን ሓሳባውነትን ኣብ ፖሎቲካዊ መዳይ ዘለዎ ጽልዋ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን :: ዓለምና ንነገራውነትን ሓሳባውነትን ጠሚሩ ዝተኣናግድ ስርዓት ኣብ ምምስራት ብዙሕ ኣይተዓወተትን :: እቲ ንስኻ ከተዕውቶ ህርድግ ትብል ዘለኻ ሲቪካዊ ባህርይ ዘለዎ ኣብ ክብርታትን ርህራሄ ዝመለኦ ስርዓት ንምጥጣዕ ዝፍጠር ምክብባርን ምትሕብባርን ዝሕመረቱ ቅዲ ከይዲ ወይ መስርሕ ድማ ንነገርን ሓሳብን ኣብ ክንዲ ተጻረርቲ ንጥቅሚ ህዝቢ ብዝውዕል ኣገባብ ተጣመርቲ ኮይኖም ከገልግሉ ምቅላስ ገና ብተግባር ናይ ‘ዚ መድረኽ ፍሉይ ምዕባለ እዩ :: ኮታ ጋሻ ብተግባር ዝበገሳበስ ዘሎ ዕሸል ኣረዳድኣ እዩ:: ቅድሚ ነዚ ምባልና ገለ ብዛዕባ ኣብ ነገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ዝጸንሑ ሓይልታት ፖሎቲካ ዘጓነፎም ጸገምን ምኽንያታቱን ንተዓዘብ:: :

    ብፖሎቲካዊ ሸነኻቱ ኣዝዩ ምቁር -ስምዒታውን ንውጹዕ ርሂጸ- በላዕ ሸቃላይን : ደፋእ- ድንኩል ሓረስታይን ማእከላይ ንኣኡስ -ደላብ ሃባትን : ካብ ስርሕ ዝቧዘነ ለማናይን : ዓዋሉን ኣነሃሂሩ ንማዕርነትን መሰልን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣደንፊዑ ዘበጋግስ ዓለመ -ርኢቶ ማርክስነት ሌኒንነት ውን ኣብ ቲ ነገራዊ ዝብል ንመንፈሳዊ ኣረዳድኣን ሓሳባውነትን ዝነጽግ ሸነኽ እዩ ዝምደብ :: እዚ ስርዓተ – መንግስቲ ብተሞክሮ ከምዝረኣናዮ ነቶም ዘለዓዓሎም ደረኽቲ ሓይልታት ሰላምን ራህዋን ምዕባለን ልምዓትን ከየውሓሶም ክ ወድቕ ኢና ተዓዚብና ::

    ሓዲሽ ዲሞክራሲ ይኹን ዘይርእሰማላዊ ኣገባብ ምዕባለ ርእሰ- ዴስነት ንደርባዊ ፍልልያት ኣባሪዕካ ኣብ ሞንጎ ብዓል ዓቢ ከብዲ ብርዥዋን እቲ ከብዱ ልሑግ ሰራሕተኛን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ዘይተዓረቕን ደማውን ጌርካ ብምእማን ጭካነ ብዝመለኦ ንብረት ሃባትም ብምሕዳግ ኣብ ት ሕቲ ቁጽጽር መንግስቲ ብምእታው ሃገር ኣይትብላዕ ኣይትስተ ብምግባር ገባቲ ስርዓት ኣስፊንካ ምንባብር እዩ ውጽኢቱ ::

    እቲ ቀንዲ ጸገም ናይ ነገራውነት ኣብ ነገር ጥራይ ዘተኮረ ፍልስፍና ምዃኑ እዩ :: ክብርታት ወዲ ሰብ እናሓሰረ መንፈሳዊ ኣተሓሳስባታት እናተደምሰሰ ናይ ምፍጣር ምህናጽ ዓቅሚ ዘለዎ ፍጥር ናብ እንሰሳዊ ባህርይ እናተቀየረ ነታ ንእለቱ ዝረኽባ ድራር ክብል ‘ውን ቀቲሉ ክሓድር ዝነብረሉ ሰዓት እዩ ዝመርሕ ::

    ንሕና ኣብ እዋን ሃገራዊ ተጋድሎ ዝነበርና ተጋደልቲ ብሓፈሻ – ተጋደልቲ ህግሓኤ ኸኣ ብፍላይ ኣብ ዲሞክራሲ ዘለና ኣረኣእያ ኣብ ትሒቲ ነገራዊነት ዝተጸምደ ምንባሩ እቲ ቀንዲ ናይ ዚ ሕጂ ዘለናዮ መከራ ጠንቂ እዩ እየ ዝብል:- እቲ ምንታይ ሲ እቶም ኩሎም ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ትሕቲ ነገራዊ ዓለመ ርኢቶ እዩ ዝዕወት ዝብሉ ናይ ፖሎቲካ ማሕበራት ወይ ውድባት ህይወት ደቂ ሰብ ክንዮ ኣካሉን ንብረቱን ዝረኣ ህይወት ዝበሃል ነገር ክግንዘቡ ስለ ዘይክእሉ – እንዳቀተሉን እንዳቀንጸሉን እዮም ወላ ውን ንሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ዝመርሕዎ :: በዚ ኣካይዳ ድማ ደም ደም እናጨነዎም እዮም ዝነብሩ:: ዝቆጻጸር ሕልና የብሎምን- መጋድልተይ መተዓብይተይ ወዘተ ዝብል ርህራሄ የብሎምን:: ኩሉ ነገር ብነገራዊ ዓይኒ እዮም ዝርእይዎ :: እቲ ሕመረት መግለጺኦም መግዛእትን ደርብን ዝብል ጥራይ እዩ ::

    ንኣብነት እዞም ሕጂ ኣብ ማሕቡስ ዝርከቡ መራሕቲ ነበርን እዞም ሕጂ ኣብ ስልጣን ተሪፎም ዘለው ህግደፍን ንተዓዘብ:- እቲ ህግደፍ ዝብልዎ ዘለው እቶም እሱራት ኣብ ልዕሊ ሃገርን ህዝብን ክድዓት ኣርእዮም ይንበሩ ኣይነበሩ ብዘየገድስ ንሸነኽ ክልቲኦም ጨካን ኣረዳድኣ ዓለመ- ርኢቶ ከምዝነበረ ኢና ንዕዘብ :: እዚ ኣብ ነገር ዝተመስርተ ንሓሳብነት ዝነጸገ መርገጽ ድማ መን ንመን እሙን ኣብዘይብሉ ገደብ ኣልቦ ምክድዳዕ ዝረኣየሉ ስርዓት እዩ ::

    እቲ ሚስጥር ክንዮ ‘ቲ ብዓይንናን እዝንናን እንሰምዖ ዓለም እትግዘኣሉ ሓሳባዊ ዓለመ- ርኢቶ ውን ስለ ዘሎ እዩ :: ጉዳይና እምበርኣር ጉዳይ መግዛእትን ጉዳይ ደርብታትን ጥራይ ኣይኮነን :: ከምኡ እንተዝኸውን ሃገርና ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ተነጸለት:- ፍርቂ ናይ ‘ቲ ጉዕዞ ምስ ተዓጽወ ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ክትጎዓዝ ኣይምጸገማን :: ነዚ ኣርእስቲ ቅድሚ ምኽፋተይ ነቲ ቅ ዋማዊ ዕርቂ ዝብል ኣምር ኣተሓሒዘ ከዕልል ፍቀደለይ ::

    ይቅጽል

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      ብጻይ ኮኾባይ

      እዚ ንካልአይን ቀጻሊን ዝኾነ ዛዕባ: “ንነገራውን ሓሳባውን” ዝምልት ዕላልና: ዘቅረብካዮ ሐተታ ሕጅውን ዝነአድ ጥራይዘይኮነ ንኣተሃላልዋናን ንመጻኢ እንደልዮም ከይድታትን ንኽንማኻኸረሎም ይሕግዙና እዮም::

      ግንከአ ፈላሊኻ ትርእዮም ስለዘለኻ ቁሩብ ከተሓሕዘካ አፍቅደለይ:: ነገርነትን ሐሳብነትን ናይ አተሃላልውኦም “ቀደምነት” (primacy) ዘሎ ፍልስፍናዊ ፍልልያት እንተዘይኮይኑ : ንዝተአሳሰረ ህላውኦምን ሐበራዊ አጠቃቅምኦምን ንሊቃውንቲ አከታዒ አይመስለንን:: ስለዚ ተቃለስቲ ንባህላዊ ቃልሲ ክብሉ ዘንባዕ አተሓሕዛን አተራጉማን ዝገብርዎ እንተዘይኮይኑ አብ ግብራዊ ሳይንስ እንተደአ ሪኢኻ “ከምስላሴ ሐደ ኾኑ ክልተኾኑ ” ኮይኖም እዮም ዝጉዓዙን ዘገልግሉናን:: ስለዚ ብቀረባ እንተአስተባህናሎም ምመረጽኩ:: ክሳዕ በዝርዝር ዝምለሰካ ሰናይ መዓልቲ::

      ብጻይካ
      አማኑኤል ሕድራት

  • Kokhob Selam

    ክቡር ሓው ኣማኑኤል :

    ዕላልና ጀሚርና:: ፎኪስ ኣዝዩ መዓልታዊ ቃላት እየ ክጥቀም ::

    ኣብ ‘ዛ ሕጽር ምጥን ግዳ ኸኣ ኣብ ፍልስፍናን ወድዓዊ ክውንነትና ዘተኮረት ዓንቀጽካ ኣዝዮም ማእለያ ዘይብሎም ኣካታዕቲ ነጥብታት ተሓዚሎም ኣለው :: ምናልባት ክፉት ናይ ምትእልላይ መንፈስ ዘለዎ ሕልና ዝውንን ኣእምሮታት ተኣኪቡ ሓልዮት ብዝዓሰሎ ኣገባብ እንተዝመያየጥ ድማ ንመሰጋገሪ መድረኽ ዘገልግል መንጸፍ ኣብ ምርካብ ዓቢ ኣበርክቶ ክህልዋ ይኽእል እዩ:- እዛ ኣርእስቲ :: ዘለኒ ኣድናቆት ከምዘለዎ ኮይኑ ስክፍታተይ ግን ክሃብእ ኣይደለኹን ::

    እቲ ኣብ ልቢ ዝሰፍር ዓንቀጻትካ ብሃረርታ እየ ዝጽበዮ :: ዝበዝሕ ግዜ እቲ እተቅርቦ ሓሳባት ንዕርቅን ምትእምማንን ዝመርሕ ምዃኑ ንዘለካ ፍቅሪ ህዝብኻ እዩ ዘንጸባርቕ :: ማናልባት ካብ’ዚ ዝነቀለ ቁሩብ ርህራሄ ዝወስደካን ካብ ወድዕ የልግሰካን ከይህሉ ይፈርሕ :: ማናልባት ተጋግየ ይህሉ እየ – ምናልባት ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ሰባት ተደጋጋሚ ገበናት ዝፈጸሙ ውልቀ ሰባትን መራሕቲ ውድባትን ኣዝዩ ኣኾርዩኒ ጨኪነ ይኸውን:- : ምናልባት ውን እቲ ወኒንካዮ ዘለኻ ልቦና ኣይበጻሕክውን ይኸውን :: ብሓቂ ግን ርኢቶኻ ኣብ ግብሪ ከነውዕሎ ባህ ምስ በለኒ የግዳስ ተኣታትዮም ዘለው ባህልታት ንምድምሳስ ቁሩብ ናይ ንሕንሕ ግዜ ከድልየና እዩ ይመስለኒ :- ቅድሚ ናብ ቲ ቀንዲ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ ምእታወይ ግን ኣብ ቁስ ኣካላውን ሓሳብውን ፍልልያት ዘጓነፈኒ ፈተና ቁርብ ከዕለለካ ፍቀደለይ ::

    ኣብ ንቅሎ እዛ ዓንቀጽ ነቲ ኣብ ነገራውያንን ሓሳባውያንን ነቲ ቁስ- ኣካላውን መንፈሳውን መርገጻቶም ዘኪርካ ወላ ንግርጭታትን ኣፈታትሕኡን ኣብ ምትንታን ከም መንቀልን መነሃሃርን ዘቅረብካዮ እንተነበረ – ጅምር ከየበልና ቀዳማይ ኣካታዒ ምዕራፍ ኮይኑ እዩ ቀንዩ – ክኸውን እኳ ገድልና ኣብ ነገራዊ ርኢቶ ዓለም ጸቒቱ ይሰርሕ ብምንባሩ ከም ሓደ ካብ ጠንቅታት ውድቀት ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ተገይሩ እዩ ብብዙሓት ዝግለጽ :: ብርግጽ “ንሕና ብሬናን” ዝዓይነቱ ኣብ ትርን ብርተዐን ተጋዳላይ ዝተኮረ ዝና ዝተሓወሶ ቃላት ኣብ መንደፈራን ከረንን ዝሰምዑ ዓበይቲ ሰዓብቲ ሃይማኖት ንክልቲአን ውድባት ኤርትራ ከምዝክዕቡወን ገይሩ እዩ – ብ ፯፯ ነጻ ምውጻእ ከተማታት :: ሎሚ ድሕሪ ኣርበዓ ዓመታት ውን “ብቀደሙ ሓይሊ ረቢ ዘይኣምኑ ሽዑይን (Communists) ተቃሊሶም እንታይ ሰላምን ራህዋን ከምጽኡ ” ዝዓይነቱ ምርር ዝበለ ወቀሳታት ይስማዕ እዩ :: ስለዚ ነዚ ጉዳይ ጭጭሕ ኣቢልካ ምዕራፍ ምትሓዙ ከድልየና እዩ ::

    ይገርመካ እዩ ኣማኑኤል ገና እዚ ጉዳይ ኣዘራራቢ ክኸውን እዩ ኢለ ይሓስብ ኣይነበርኩን -ከም ተጋዳልይ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት መጠን:: ነዛ ጽሑፍካ እናንበብና እንከለና ዳርጋ ካብ ምሉእ ገዛ ተሳተፍቲ እዩ ናባይ ዘተኮረ ወቀሳታት ዝዘንብ ነይሩ :: ስለዚ ድማ እየ ብዘይሸለልትነት መርገጸይ ብንጹር ብጽሑፍ ዘስፈርኩ ::

    ኣብ ነገራውን መንፈሳውን ፍልስፍናታት ዘሎ ርሕቀት ካብ ቶም ኣዝዮም ኣብ ሓደ መጽሓፍ ቅዱስ ዝጠበቁ ንላዕሊ እቶም ኣብ ውቅያኖስ እቲ መንፈሳዊ ዓለም ብነጻን ብዘይ ፍርሕን ሓቂ ንምርካብ ዝሕምብሱ ዘለው ዘቀራርቡ ዘለው ኮይኑ ይስመዓኒ :: ንኣብነት ኣብ ዴሳቂ ርኢቶ ዓለም ኣብ ፍጹም ነገራዊነት ተጸሚዶም ዝጸንሑ ደቂ ሰባት ኣብ ደረጃ ሰብ ውን ንባዕሉ ከም ነገር ወይ ከም ቁስ ኣካል ተራእዩ ሰብኣዊ መሰሉ ተረሲዑን ኣብ ኣዝዩ ህልም ዝበለ ኣረሜናዊ – ባዕሉ ዝቀረጾ በላዒ ስርዓታት እዩ ኣትዩ :: ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ኣብ ሓደ ሃይሞኖት ሕሉፍ እምነት ዘለዎ እሞ ድማ ንመጽሓፉ ‘ውን ብልክዕ ዘይፈለጠ ህልም ዝበለ ኣንቀድዓዊ ዝኾነ ስርዓታት ውን ብ ኣንጻሩ ተመሳሳሊ ጥሩፍ ኣርኣእያታት ንጭካነን ወጽዓን ደቂ ሰባት ዕድል ከፊቱ እዩ ::

    ባህርይ ዘምሃረትና ዓቢ ምህሮ ድማ ነገራዊ ይኹን ሓሰባዊ መርገጻት ከም ክልተ ተጻረርቲ ጉዳያት ብምውሳድ ኣብ ሕሉፍ ተጻራሪ – ዘይተዓረቕ ጎንጺ ምብጻሕ መርኣያ ናይ ደቂ ሰባት ጸቢብ ኣተሓሳስባ ምንባሩ እዩ :: ብርግጽ ኣብ ክንዲ ጎንጺ – ተመላላኢ ክውንነት ንምርካብ ነቲ ፍጹምነት ዝብል ኣምር ብግቡእ ምፍላጥ ምተገበኣና :: ሎሚ ዓለምና ኣብ ፍልስፍና ሓሳብን ኣእምሮን ስፍሕ ዝበለ መጽናዕትታት ተካየድ ኣላ : ብርግጽ ኣእምሮ ነቲ ነገራዊ ትሕዝቶታት ብመጽናዕታዊ መስርሕ እናተሓልፈ ንወዲ ሰብ ከገልግል ዕውት ስረሓት ተኻየዱ እዩ : እዚ ሕጂ እንሪኦ ዘለና ቅልጡፍ ዘመነ – ቁሳዊ ምዕባለ ውን ውጽኢት ንተፈጥሮ ኣብ ጠቅሚ ከነውዕሎ እንገብሮ ዘየቛርጽ ሃርኮትኮት እዩ :: እዚ ምዕባለ ግን ነቲ መንፈሳዊ ስፊሕ መዳይ ስለ ዘረሳዓና ኣብ ክንዲ ንሰላም ንኩናትን ረብሻን ዝተጠቀምናሉ ዝበዘሕ ክፋል ነገራዊ ስረሓት ኮይኑ እዩ ተሪፉ:: እቲ ምንታይ ሲ ወዲ ሰብ ነቲ ሕጂ ብውልቀሰብ ወይ ጉጅለ ወይ ውን ሃገረ ወዘተ ዝረኽቦ ረብሓ ኣዝዩ እና ኣገደሶ ብዋጋ ካልኦት ፍጡራት ውን እንተኾነ ክረኽቦ ስለዝህንጠ እዩ :: ሕጂ እዚ ርኢቶ እናጸሕፍኩ እንከለኹ ብዙሕ ብምዕባለ ነገራዊ ስነፍልጠት ዝተሰርሕ መርዛምን ኣንዳድን ምሳርሒታት ህይወት ደቂ ሰባት እናቀዘፍ እዩ – እዚ ድማ እቲ ጉጉይ ኣረዳድ ኣ ነገራውነትን ሓሳባውነትን ዝፈጠሮ ጸገም እዩ ::

    እሞ እቲ ክልተ ተጻራሪ ዓለመ- ርኢቶታት እናሃሰሰ ክኸይድ ዝሕግዝ ሓዲሽ ምዕባለ እምበኣር ኣብ ክንዲ ንቁስ ኣካል ጥራይ ንኣእምሮ ብቀጥታ ብምጥቃም ናብ ሓሳባዊ ዓለም እንሰጋገረሉ መድረኽ እዩ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ :: ኮታ ነቲ ሓይሊ ዝብል ናይ ድምጽን ብርሃንን ስረሓት ናብ ዝለዓለ ደረጅኡ ክንጥቀመሉ ምእንቲ ክንዮ ሓሙሽተ ህዋሳትና እንመጥቀሉ መድረኽ ኢና ክንሰጋገር ዘለና ንምባል እየ ::

    እቲ ኣዝዩ ን ዓለምና ሰላም ክህብ ዝትስፈወሉ ኣካይዳ እምበኣር እቲ ፍቅሪ ሱር መሰረቱ ዝገበረ ንዝለዓለ ደርጃ ነገራውን ሓሳውን ዓቅምታት ክብ ብምባል ነቲ ሓይሊ (enegy) ዝብል ኣምር ነገራውን ሓሳብውን ሸነኻት ገርም ኣጽኒዕካ :: እዚ ሸነኽ ዝምረጸሉ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ከኣ ኣብ ክንዲ ብተስፋ “ጽባሕ ገነት” ንኽ ትኣቱ ወይ ውን ግርም ስርዓት ክህልወካ እትገብሮ “ኣነ” “ “ ንዓይ “ ዝብል ህርፋን ዝዓሰሎ መስርሕ ገዚእካ ሰባት እናረገጽካ ንቅድሚት ተቋምት- ኣብ ክንድኡ ኣብ ሕጂን ኣብዝን ኣቶኪርካ ወጽዓ ካለኦት ወጽዓኻ ምዃኑ ኣሚንካ እትጽዕተሉ ኣካይዳ እዩ ::

    ኣብ ክንዲ ተጻረርቲ ተመላላእቲ ናይ ምግባር ክእለት ኣማዕቢሊካ መንቀልን መበገስን ህልውናና ካብ ንቁጽ ረባጽን መግለጺታት ነጻ ብምግባር ወርቃዊ ሕጊ ከምዝነግስ ምግባር እዩ ዝብል ርኢቶ እዩ ዘለኒ

    ኣማኑኤል ሓወይ ገና ካብ መበገሲ ኣኡ እቲ ክትዕ ውዕውዕ ብምንባሩን ብድሕሪ ኣኡ ዝነበራ ዕለታት ጻዕቂ ስራሕ ስለዝነበረኒ ድ ኣ እምበር እቲ ኣርእስቲ ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕ እዩ ዝነበረ ንሕጂ ከይት ስልኪ ኣብዚ ክዓጹ ግን ገና እቲ ዕላል ኣይተጀመረን -ነዚ ዝምልከት ዕላልና ማለተይ እዩ :

    ግዜን ቦታን ንምኽሳብ ናብ ‘ቲ ብካልኣይ ደርጃ ግዳ ስፊሕ ክትዕን ዕላልን ዝነበሮ ጉድይ ንኺድ :-

    ኣብ ሓንቲ ሃገር ዘሎ ኩሉ ጸገማት ሓበራዊ ዕዳ እዩ :: ብዝኾነ ተኣምር ናይ ሓደ ውልቀሰብ ወይ ውድብ ፍሉይ ጌጋ ኣይኮነን :: እቶም ብዓይንና እኒሪኦም ጌጋታት ቅድሚ ምፍጻሞም ቅድመ – ፍጻመ ተረኽቦታት ነይሮም እዮም :: እቶም ዘገም እናበሉ ዝኸዱ ዝነበሩ ጉዳያት ተደማሚሮም እዮም ኣብ’ ቲ ኩነታት ዘብጽሑ ዝብል ተሪር እምነት ኣለኒ :: እዚ እምነት ድማ ኣብ ከይዲ ዕርቂ ሃገር ንዘለኒ ኣተሓሳስባ ይጸልዎ እዩ :: ብመሰረቱ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ቃልስና እተፈጸሙ ገበናት እንተመርሚርና ዝኾነ መሰረታዊ ዘይፍታሕ ጎንጽታት ነይረሞም ክበሃል ኣይክእልን እዩ :: ምስ ዕብየት እቲ ተፈጸመ ጨካን ስጉምትታት ኣወዳዲርካ ድማ ሓቀኛ ናይ ኣብ ‘ቲ ደረጃ ግፍዒ ዘብጽሕ መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ ክትረክብ ትሸገር ኢኻ :: ኣብካለኦት ሃገራት ዝተፈጥሩ ጎንጽታት ናይ ክለሳ ሓሳብ ፍልልያት – ደርባዊ ዘይተዓረቅ ምስሕሓባት ዘበገሶም እዮም ነይሮም :: ኣብ ቅ ዋማዊ ጽገና (Constitutional Reform ) ዘተኮረ ሃገራዊ ዕርቂ ሃገራዊ ስምረት ነቲ ሰፊኑ ዘሎ ዘይምትእምማንን ምጥርጣርን ከልግሶ ይኽእል እዩ :: ንተሳትፎ ናይ ቶም ተወጊኖም ዝጸንሑ ፖሎቲካውያን ሓይልታት ውሑስ ክገብር ይኽእል እዩ ዝብል ርኢቶ ይንጸባረቕ ኣሎ :: ብርግጽ ዝተፈላለዩ ማእክል ስሕበታት ተፈቲኖም እዮም:: እዚ ‘ውን ሓደ ካብ ቅኑዕ ሕልና ዝነቀለ ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ ነዚ ኣተሓሳስባ ‘ውን ሰፊሕ ክትዕን ዘተን ኣካይድካ ነቶም ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ማእዘናት ዘለው ሓይልታት ምጥርናፍ ዘይከ ኣል ኣይኮነን ::

    ህጹጽ ዘየዛኒ መድረኽ ምብጻሕና ድማ ኣዝዩ ኣሻቃሊ ጉድይ እዩ :: ሎሚ ህግደፍ ነቲ ብደገ ዝግበር ቃልስታት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ክምክቶን መዋጽኦ ከጥርን ኢና ተዓዚብና :: እዚ ድማ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ተባሂሉ ዝሰመ ዘሎ ናይ ተቃውሞ ክንፊ ብዙሕ ዝመንቀሊኡ ዘይተጠርነፈን ርጉጽ ስነ – ቅልስ ክትልም ብዘይምኽ ኣ ሉ እዩ :: እዚ ውን ብዝርዝር ከነቀምጦ ዘለና ጉዳይ እዩ – መልክዓትን ሕብርታትን ደምበ ተቃውሞ ከየለለኻ ነቲ ቅዋማዊ ጽገና ምቅራጽ ቀሊል ኣይክኸውንን እዩ :: ብዓቢኡ ኣብ ደምበ ተቃውሞ ነቲ ዘሎ ስርዓት ዘገልግል (ብፍላጥ ይኹን ብዘይ ፍላጥ ) ኮይኑ ክምእዘን እዩ ጸኒሑ:: ከም ውልቃዊ ትዕዝብተይ ህግደፍ ንደምበ ተቃውሞ ኣብ ምሽርሻር ምብታንን ምምዝማዝን ከም ቀዳማይ ስርሑ እዩ ተተሓሕዝዎ::

    ብመሰረቱ ካብ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ጉዳይ ፍልልያት መሰረታዊ ንዘይፍታሕ ጎንጺ ዝመርሕ ስነ- ምኽኑይ መግለጺ ዝወሃቦ ዘይምዃኑ – ደርባዊ ወይ ክለሳ ሓሳባዊ ፍልልያት ዘይብሉ ፍልልያት ከኣ ንብዙህ ዘይተደላይ ሓጎጽጎጽ ተቃሊዕና ዘሕለፍናዮም ዓመታት ዘባኸናዮ ሓይሊ ሰብን ምዝካሩ ባህ ዘብል ኣይኮነን ::

    ኣብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ቅድሚ ሰሚናር ራሳይ ኣብ ዘካየድናዮ ንኡስ ሰሚናርታት ሰውራ ኤርትራ መሰረታዊ ዝኾነ ደማዊ ፍልልያት ኣብ ዘይብሉ ኣብ ውልቃዊ ድልየት ውሑዳት ዘተመስረተ ዘይተደላይ ኩናት ከም ተጸመድናን ህግሓኤ ምስ ወያኔ ተላፊኖም ናይ ዘባርዕዎ ኩናት ዋጋ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ደጊሙ ደጋጊሙ ክህሰ ምዃኑን ኢና ተረዲእና :: ብርግጽ ሓቂ እዩ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ውን እቲ ሰፍ ዘይብል ዋጋ ክሳብ ዝኸፍሉ ሓቂ ኮይኑ ዘይተራእዮም ዝበዝሑ እዮም :: ሕማቕ ዕድል ኮይኑ ውሑዳት ውሓሉ ኢና ኢሎም ዝኣምኑ ውልቀ ሰባት ኣብ ስልጣን ተኾጪኦም ብግዝያዊ ዓወታት ሓደ ውድብ ከም ፍጹምን ናይ መጨረሻን ምር ኣዮም ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ንሕና ውን እቶም ሓፋሽ ከንስተብህል ዘይምኽ ኣልና እዩ :: ኣብ ታህዳይን ኮሮኮንን ብረት ዘይብልካን ጉልቡት መሪሕነት ዘይብልካን ነጻ ኮይንካ ናይ ልብኻ እት ዛረብሉ ክ ውንነት ምንባሩ ድማ ዘመሓላልፎ ሓደ ዓቢ ሓቂ ኣሎ ንሱ ድማ ዘተን ምርድ ዳእን ኩሉኻ በትሪ ዘይብልካ ምስ እትኸውን እዩ ውጽኢት ዝ ህብ እዚ ግን ኣብ ራሳይ ኣብ ትሕቲ ብረት ሒዞም ዝነበሩ ተጋደልቲ ምስ በጻሕና ተዘሪጉ እዩ ::

    ከም ተረድኦይ ጌጋታት ናይ ዘይምእማን ባህሊ ኣብ ሰውራና ሳዕሪሩ እዩ ጸኒሑ እቲ ነቐፌታን ነብሰ ነቐፌታን ዝብል ኣብ ጋንታትን ሕይልታትን ኣብ ሞንጎ ተጋደልቲ ዝረ አ ዝነበረ ባህሊ ሰውራና ንይምሰል ድ ኣ እምበር በቲ ልክዕ ትርጉሙ ይሰርሓሉ ኣይነበረን እቲ ሓያል ማእከልነት ህግሓኤ ካብ ዝሃሰዮም ዓበይቲ ኣገደስቲ ክነብሩ ዝነበሮም ባህልታት ድማ እዩ ብጌጋኻ ምእማን እዩ :: እዚ ውን እምበኣር ንጉዕዞ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ካብ ዘሰናኽልዎም ዘለው ሮሒታት ሓደ እዩ : ኣብ ምፍጣር ቅዋማዊ ዕርቂ ዘሎ ከይዲ ገና ከይተጀመረ ድማ ከቢድ ብደሆታት ክገጥሞ ምዃኑ ምፍላጥን መፍትሒ ምንድይን ድማ ኣገዳሲ ዘይተጠቅሰ ነጥቢ እዩ :: ብፍስ ደቂ ሰብ ዝቀትሉ ዝነበሩ ገለ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝነበሩ ተጋደልቲ ነበር ን- ህግደፍ ክጽግኑ ናይ ምፍታኖም ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ድማ ካብ ቁጽጽሮም ወጻእ ዝኾነ ቅ ዋማዊ ዕርቂ ከቅርቦ ንዝኽእል ሕቶን ገልታዕታዕን ንምልጋስ እዩ :: እቲ ኣልያ ወይ መካኒዝም ንህይወቶምን ነዊሕ ቃልሶምን ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘየውድቕ ምዃኑ ከረጋግጹ ስለ ዘይክእሉ ድማ እዮም ካብ’ዚ ዓይነቱ ናብ መሰረታዊ ለውጥ ገጹ ዝመርሕ መስርሕ ዝሃድሙ ::

    ይቅጽል

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      መርሓባ ከኾባይ

      እዚ ዘቅረብካዮን ገናውን ዝቅጽል ዘሎ ዘንተመጎታዊ ሐተታ ዝነአድዬ:: ክሳዕቲ አብ አእምሮኻ ዘሎ ጥንሰሐሳባት ዘርዚርካ መደምደታ እትገብረሉ አነ መልሲ ንምሃብ ብትዕግቲ ክጽበየ:: ንግዚኡ ግን ነዚ ሐበረታዚ ክህበካ እፈቱ:: ኩለን እተን ንመፍትሒ ኢለ ዘቅረብኩወን አርእስታት ጽሕፍቶታተይ (ሐደ ሐሙሽተ ዝኾና) ዝወሓሐጣን ዝደጋገፋን አብርእሲ ምኾነን ንሓደ ጥሙር መፍትሒ ዝእምታ እየንእሞ እንደገና ምውካስ ከየድለየ አይተርፍን እዩ:: ኩሉ መልእኽተይ ንሓደ ዕላማ ዘተኮረ ስለዝኾነ ናይ መተአሳሰሪ ሐረጋት ስለዘለዎም አስተብህለሎም ኢኻ::

      ኮኸባይ ሐተታኻ ንነገራውን መንፈሳዊን ዘጣመረ ስለዝኾነ ጽብቅ ጌይረ አስተብሂለሉ አለኹ:: ብኡመጠን ከአ መለሲ ክህበካ ክፍትን እየ:: ሰናይ ምሸት::

      ብጻይካ
      አማኑኤል ሕድራት

  • Mahmud Saleh

    Selam Dear Emma
    Thank you for this interesting article. I have the same feeling that many of your readers expressed, and that’s you started making an excellent introductory part, you laid down the conceptual framework well, but then you hurried up so fast that I felt you didn’t develop the ideas well and connect them to Eritrean realities really well. I read your reply to Lamek and Aosman, I understand the pressure that space put on you. I would really encourage you to dismiss this notion that readers don’t have an appetite for long articles. It’s true the majority of readers want short pieces, that’s why twitter is today number one source of “information.” However, there are folks who crave for well developed thoughts. Generally, readers who are on “fast” mode go for twitter and short version newsfeeds, but don’t forget that there are serious readers. The topic of your article and the area you are tackling is for serious readers, it needs space; hence, you should not be constrained by space. Your readers are the serious ones. I would like you to say something on the following:
    1. What exactly are we talking when we say reconciliation; I know we both talk about this issue, but could you cluster the competing interests, or underlying conflicts that we want to reconcile> For instance, political, social….
    2. As we speak there are visible political clusters along political, social, regional….They all have programs that spell out their demands and what they want be done in the next stage of Eritrean political theater. How do these programs and current trends of Eritrean politics be used as an instrument? Or could we even think of them as helpful instruments? What would their role be in the reconciliation process?
    I thank you again.

  • Nitricc

    Ayneta; I know it is well documented habits of your whenever you open your mouth; you got say some dumb s111t but may I ask you respectfully what exactly is wrong posting Aman’s Articles’ on this web site? What a slap in the face, what a thankless people.

  • Yohannes Zerai

    Dear Amanuel Hidrat,

    I thank you for your interesting and, in my opinion, important article. Although, I have had some general exposure to some of the substance of your article, I do not claim to have a profound understanding of the subject. So, my comment is going to be simple and one that limits itself to expressing my views regarding the timing and relevance of raising topics such as yours.

    It is obvious (at least to most of us) that there is a school of thought that believes we should dedicate all our energies and efforts exclusively to the single goal of removing the dictatorship from power. Debate on (and advocacy for) other causes, they say, are unnecessary distractions that would take away from progress in achieving the main goal. They add that other issues should be placed on the back burner for now and picked up for discussion/action after a democratic environment will have been created in the country.

    The primacy of the need for wrenching the country out of the grip of a tyrant is non-debatable; not many of us would quarrel with that, either. But it also cannot be denied that neglecting other national causes or deferring them until after the dawn of democracy in our country would, in the long run, lead our country to a crisis. A “kick-the-can-down-the-road” attitude would simply be tantamount to letting problems/issues pile up and allowing them to threaten the survival of the fledgling democracy we aspire to build. Fortunately, there will always be citizens endowed with farsightedness who will continue to raise critical issue and strive to build consensus around them through discussion and debate. I see your article as a useful contribution to that effort, and I thank you for it.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam Haw Yohannes,

      Thank you for taking time to share your opinion on the subject at hand. While your advise on prioritizing our issue is well taken in general, my experience on the Eritrean politics for over 40 years, taught me to be cautious on what we expect from the outcome of the current struggle. The success of our armed struggle “without” the preparation of “politico-infra-structural foundation” that brings democracy and peaceful coexistence, indeed explains the outcome of the current reality of Eritrea. So, myself and some colleagues are keenly interested in educating, preparing our people to shape their future and to avoid falling into another trap of oppression, of any shape or form.

      Dear brother, I believe that the PFDJ system and its institution is entrenched in the army and in its security apparatus, with the army being entrenched reciprocally in the party. In such system there are always “dictators-in-waiting” to assure the continuity of the system by purporting deceptive cosmetic changes. So the Eritrean people, unlike during the armed struggle, should be prepared and educated in this long struggle, not only to dismantle the system, but also (a) to understand what system they will install in lieu of it (b) educate about establishing a fair process that mitigate mistrust (c) educate how to tackle the current trust-deficit among our social groups and political communities, and of course the challenges to address them(d) preparing the young generation to take the stock of our nation. Without tackling these issues side by side with the fight against the regime, we will fall in the same trap of dictatorial oppression. The current struggle -comprehensive as it should be, requires division of labor, integrated by central leadership, synchronized for positive outcome.

      regards
      Amanuel Hidrat

  • Solomon Haile

    Selamat AMAN,

    Hence Reconciliation as a WIN boliticaly only by awate.com towards our Back To The Future Tour de Aqurdat ELL!

    I mean Realy ELL ELL ELL!

    Granted a decade ago awate.com lacked significantly in abstract art efucation in their curriculum! The innovators and Now This (NT)…
    Hmmm
    Is Aya Amanuel reminding us that in reality Nothing exists. If it does? Then prove it AMAN!
    tSAtSE

  • Solomon Haile

    Selamat Aya Amanuel Hidrat,

    Your philosophical hook of matterialism and idealism I believe is timely in these our Eritrean Times that includes “Sacitism.” Your article indeed is an Eritrean reconciliation contemplation that the great majority of Eritrean minds is very much preoccupied with given the quarter of a century depth of solitude or lack thereoff since sovereignty both the materialist and idealist within us every individual Eritrean’s “Mental Arena.”

    Your’s, Aya Amanuel H, within the context of this article, not only yours truly but also, if not all many of your readers will forever remain impressed by your introduction of the Eritrean “Carthagean Age.”
    Thank you for honoring my request to and bringing with you this article/presentation to the TeaTable. Oh Fanty Fanty Saaayyy by the dawn early light, what so proudly we.. Ehhhm July first is nearing and and but I digress…
    Aya A H, Mr. Hope will arive soon and I am quite sure a motor cade is acompanying dawit so that Trafic is not a hinderance… In the meanwhile, allow me to ask you several questions:

    1. Would you agree with me that Gheteb hales from that that great Eritrean City of Keren?
    2. Do you believe Keren’s population to be very politicised than the rest of Eritrea?
    3. Are there any other Eritrean HS anual reunions you maybe knowledgable of? I myself recall the Silver(bruRawi) reunion/celebration of Zero School.
    4. What are your thoughts on the effects of young Eritrean minds by or on electronic social networking with regards to reconciliation and being “bolotical”
    5. Radio Bilen and Mr. Hope who had no “symathy or regard for his own people” as you once angryly admonished him as well as his aversion to the Arabic language taking an “Official” foothold (/expansionism) in Eritrea yet Hope’s avid support for the non “bolotical” Radio Project Bilen is either a historical connection towards Agawena (recall the diplomatic distress appeal to the Europeans by the Bilen written in the Amharic language..)

    And finaly, Aya Amanuel H,
    6. Do you consider Weyane/EPRDF lead Ethiopia towards Eritrea and Eritreans as “Carthagean” as well provided you view Eritrea as the defeated side in the last and continuing cold war between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
    7. Was tes’ choice of a non “bolotical” and “bolotical” researched article strategic in your mind Aya Amanuel considering Belin’s significant numbers in Keren?

    Well Aya Amanuel, I do believe I could be filed on the idealist side in that I am known for creating my own reality with a drop of acid or two in the company of Jerry Garcia and the Greatful Dead at an Apple Orchard Park (non of this is making sense in your world….Ohhh Brother Saay7 through Saay9) where art thou????)
    In all seriousness Aya I will coherently reply after you respond to the earlier GIVEN VARIABLES as I search for more ZaEgoal. I do a serious Bridging question for both you and Hope so that I can ultimately retire in Bahrdar with Kokhobe…
    Fanti yawQl inie inde A J ende tezebareQugn… It is a good thing I can hear voices from the likes of AOsman Sayingggg
    Three little monkeys are by my door steps singinggggg
    CHILLLAAAXXXXXXX!
    tSAtSE

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Hi Solomon,

      Short answers to your questions: (a) There is no Carthagenean peace in the context of the border war. It is lack of diplomacy that brought the “no war no peace” policy; and the verdict hanging in the air waiting for cool heads and diplomatic statesmen. There is no dictation one over the other, except they do not want talk each other for obvious political reasons. (b) tes raised the issue of minorities indirectly and hence I support the grievances of minorities. (c) Any sane person can not debate politics with Hope who has unsettled mind (d) Social media is one of the current tools for fighting especially in mobilizing the mass. So our young must use it effectively in their struggle being in the forefront (e) Kerenites are known for fighting any kind of oppression and are principled in their struggle (f) Gheteb has not the characteristic of kerenites, There are many true kerenites that could hail us from Keren.

      Regards,
      Amanuel Hidrat

  • Lamek

    Selam Amanuel, you started out really well. But towards the end you got a little impatient and cut your article short. I was hoping you would go deeper in your vision of specifics in the Eritrean case rather than citing academic research.

    Needless to say, PFDJ will never be a faithful negotiator. They will always try to dominate the Eritrean politics and any ideas of reform will not be with the Eritrean people in mind. They might reform so they can have shuffles like they always do but I can guarantee you they will never negotiate with anyone that they think is their adversary. You might have hard that PFDJ is spending millions of dollars to fight what they call “tselaeti hizbi Ertra” which is people like you, me, this website, the COIE.

    In my opinion, Medrek is the organization that will bring about the much needed change by instigating an internal democratic coup because they seem to have key individuals working for them. Everyone else is in the dark. There are lots of unknowns with Medrek and I am not advocating their approach but the reality is that they are being backed by something powerful. Based on A.W. book and Dr. Asefaw’s speeches, I would hope these guys would deliver but once Shaebia always Shaebia. So, I am not quite ready to be optimistic yet. I hope tes doesn’t read this.

    In principle, what you are advocating is the best way to go but like they teach in English 101, you have to know who your audience is and in this case we have to know who we are dealing with. The few people running this regime have nothing but utter contempt and hatred for the Eritrean people and they can’t work in tandem with us. For them, it is them or us. Not all of us together.

    • Solomon Haile

      Selamat Lamek,

      Considering the low enthusiasm and the delegation of IA(D) to give a speach about planting trees yet his meak delivery of “I am still in charge damitt…” with the rolling eyes of the audience and the highlighting of the other cards less than the ace of spades in other events like Fanti/Confucius Art school by Asmara’s Mayor, the very elegant suit and confident stance as compared to IA(D’s) by the Agriculture Minister
      And PARTICULARLY General AmneFilipos in Mendefera… Mendefera Mendefera Mendefera…
      Folks it is true It is all about Dead Presidents! I prepose Eritreans put the immage of Hariet Tubman in the new Twenty Five Nakfa as Medrekh has succesfuly breached PFDJ’s dfaE! Long live the King!
      Long live Hryti Tubman on the Twent Nakfa!
      Yes Lamek I know I am filed undef tselaEti…
      It is all about Dead Presidents! Long Live the King!
      tSAtSE

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Dear Lamek & A.Osman,

      Good observation brothers. Actually I cut a 14 pages essay to 7 pages to abide with the posting guidelines of awate. And most of the cuts was on the two subtitles (a) on confronting the past and facing the future (b) on apriori reasoning of the two pairs of opposite argument. I did it with a lot of inconvinience and cutting the flow of my thoughts – for the simple reason I had an advise that our people do not have the apetite of reading a long article.

      Do you know what? Dammit, I will maintain my old style to keep the flow of my thought without restricting myself to certain pages, especially on subjects pertinent to our sociopolitical problems. I am devoted on that particular discipline of knowledge, in order to contribute possible solutions to our intractable social conflicts.

      Now, SGJ told us that it was a suggestion, and not a strict guidelines to be abided. I will adhere to the flow of my thoughts without restricting myself to certain pages. Thank you for bringing up the issue upfront to resolve the inconvinience I had.

      Regards
      Amanuel Hidrat

      • Saleh Johar

        Hi Amanuel,
        You are still mentioning the Posting Guidelines, there is no 7 page limit there. I personally told you long articles are read less and that is easy for us to see: statistics tell us how much time readers spend on a file and that would tell you if the reader scanned through it or read it properly. There is also another indicator: Bouncing. It is when readers click a long article and leave the website in a few seconds which we think is they re put off by the length of the article. And other indicators.

        Personally I suggest the size of the article to be not too long or too short. Writers should find a balance in between that. But if you decide to make it long, make it easy to follow. So, I will not suggest anything less you confuse it to a posting guideline

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Selam Saleh,

          I do not mean I was told that it should be 7 pages. I just stated that I cut it to 7 pages. Thank you for clarification.

          Regards

  • T..T.

    Hi all,

    The Eritrean opposition members’ role in the awaiting decision of the UN’s Commission of Inquiry on human rights in Eritrea is a test for the success of the awaiting bridge building and reconciliation in Eritrea, pre-and-post democratization process.

    Only through head on truth confrontation meetings with the victims and their families that the Commission can be helped as well as our trust building or bridge building for reconciliation can be achieved. Because the opposition had no infrastructure in place to do such jobs, it failed itself and is failing the commission.

    The Commission is required by the UN to: “investigate systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view to ensuring full accountability, including where these violations may amount to crimes against humanity.”

    There is a fear that the Eritrean opposition may fail because it is not trying enough or striving to the best it can to help the commission get what it needs. It is known that the commission will not find the causes of the injustice in Eritrea without the truth from the mouths of the victims in order to suppress the ongoing deceptions from the regime. The commission right now needs helping hands to make more efforts to focus on its fight back against the regime’s deceptions and distractions.

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Dear Ayneta,

    The awate university, it’s staff, it’s alumnus, and it’s president, will surely react with their qualms. But speaking the truth, this is not a study paper, it is simply an article for debate and discussion. Actually, as a matter of fact it is written within the confines of the website’s rules not to exceed from 1500 words, though I did violate in few instances. For sure not in this one. I appreciate for your compliment and many thanks.

    Regards,
    Amanuel Hidrat

    • A.Osman

      Dear Aman,

      If you read the last article by Bahlibi, it is more than 1500…as I was reading I was wondering when it would end. Yours, as I read it, felt it was cut off abruptly and I sensed midway you had to cut sections to stay within the stated limit. Last time Fanti regretted his chop chop cooking :).

      My understanding is that the intention for the word limit were to make article easy to read, to keep readers engaged, but have never been strictly enforced. Semere Tesfay is a writer that comes to mimd, he not only breaks the rule but records with long articles, but somehow even if long I always found his style very engaging and readable.

      It is good to keep it short, if necessary break it to parts, but don’t force yourself to cut it short as you will leave readers wondering about some aspects you mention without detail.

      Regards
      AOsman

  • Kokhob Selam

    Dear Amanuel,

    How many times do you think I read this? really 6 times. interesting. I have some questions but before that let me read it with my group.I have old and young friends who are used to our reading moment. Get together and read while discussing with our traditional coffee.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Kokhobay,

      Please do, and go ahead to discuss it with your colleagues who are Around you. I will be glad to answer your questions.

      regards
      Amanuel Hidrat

  • tes

    Dear Aamanuel Hidrat,

    Thank you for this resourceful, academic and full of potential provocative thoughts made available to readers and genuine political actors in today’s Eritrean political landscape.

    Though most of the subject matter is fresh to me, I tried to build a 3D model of what you are trying to convey. During my model assembly hours, I couldn’t find the main foundation of producing the “Constitutional Reform” dossier. What I thought is that for building the Constitutional Reform model, first and foremost, Eritrean political actors must come with an accord to establish a strong assembly so that an agreement could be reached to start the process.

    My quest is therefore on the establishment of an Assembly. Thinking your first experience with top politicians, what is your views on this primary stage of establishing a self-reconciled Assembly Establishing process? Do you think that it will be possible within a limited period of time to come with a self-stabalized force that can sit together and be brave enough to outline a strategy that you are proposing?

    Regards
    tes

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam Tesfat,

      I am glad you share the approach I am looking for “a peaceful and reconciled Eritrea.” In a practical reality, this piece will be part and parcel to my previous article, in which I suggested the Tunisian Model as the “analogical reasoning for Eritrea’s democratic transition.” Let me make clear my view to you and to all my readers for that matter: In order to create a peaceful and reconciled Eritrea, I strongly believe that the transitional process must address two critical issues (a) trust-deficit (b) the formation of a fair and square “constitutional reconciliation commission” to open for a smooth “reconciliation” process. The task of the “constitutional reconciliation commission” is to draft “a new and reformed” constitutional document among others pertinent to the transitional process. I also believe the success of the “constitutional reconciliation commission” will eliminate the trust-deficit that is looming among our political community (political organizations and parties) and among our social groups.

      Furthermore, once the trust-deficit is tackled as stated above, then the “transitional leadership” (refer the formation of leadership in the previous article I mentioned)** in cooperation with the constitutional reconciliation commission will set the stage for reconciliation by forming “truth commission” – a hybrid from national and international legal professionals to take the responsibilities of truth finding, to observe justice for the crime and violations incurred to citizens during the decades.

      Now let me come to your question how to form the “National Assembly”. The National Assembly is formed after the the production of “reconciled constitutional” document and “election laws” by the the constitutional reconciliation commission and before the reconciliation process. The National Assembly are elected based on the constitutional law and elections laws from the electoral admnistratives that will be formed as deemed by the process and their task will be to legislate bills starting with the ratification of the “reconciled constitution.

      ** please refer the formation of transitional leadership to this article as linked : http://awate.com/tunisian-model-analogical-reasoning-for-eritreas-democratic-transition. By integrating these two articles you will have the big picture of the process I am suggesting.

      Regards
      Amanuel Hidrat

      • tes

        Dear Amanuel Hidrat,

        Thank you for your brief reply. Let me ask you another simple but very important question.

        I know that you are one of those genuine Eritreans who work day and night for a prosperious future Eritrea. But today there is one question that need to be addressed. Taking your decades years of political experience, what in what stage are we to come together and build a democratic technocrat that will have a power to ratify a provisional document of governance?

        Can you explain it both in quantitative and qualitative terms?

        tes

  • T..T.

    Hi Amanuel Hidrat and all,

    The regime got most of its supporters in abusive relationship with its enemies resulting in crimes (deaths and property confiscation) or other grievances that left deep scars and desires for immediate revenges or justice (punishment by a court of law) after the regime is gone.

    Therefore, for better peace-building process and to reinforce the reconciliation process, besides what you suggested the need for fact finding and compensations, it will be necessary to immediately start truth-confrontation meetings with witnesses and victims or victim families to identify the criminals involved and the nature of crimes committed by them. Once such a process gets started, it will be easy to define and devise the needed structure of the reconciliation process. Indeed, fact finding without head on confrontation meeting to discover the truth, it will not be able to extract the whole problem for documentation and resolution.

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