Inform, Inspire, Embolden. Reconcile!

The Third Way

We have had very good discussions in the U-Turn articles. The majority were genuine exchanges of views raising very legitimate concerns and contributing real value to our understanding of alternative routes. They have been a great input to how we should proceed especially with the need to force our presence by bulldozing our way through. A few acted like the usual suspects or I might have mistaken them for some – but hey, they belong to Awate and they belong to us. It is always “zelilka zelilka nab meriet” and they will eventually get it and lead.

By way of introduction – this is the Third Way. But first let us see what the other two ways look like.

THE FIRST WAY

I would be using this term to refer to the worldview and politics of the PFDJ as a political party currently in charge of guiding and administering government in Eritrea. The term does not refer to the Eritrean government in any form that implies the implementation function of policies or to any persons employed and assigned to bureaucratic functions. Government in this definition is policy-neutral in that it does what politicians tell it to do. In all that this term (First Way) is used, a government (including all military and civil functions) reflecting the true aspirations of the Eritrean people has since independence been serving the nation selflessly and fanatically in pursuit of the realization of “the Eritrean Dream” of heaven on Earth.

The “true aspirations of the Eritrean people” is a cross-section of “the Eritrean dream” at any point in time. Political parties or group of politicians, who end up assuming that function determine what aspects of the Eritrean dream take precedence at any given point in time. Government as a bureaucracy is not responsible for how politicians end up controlling political power and the seat of directing its functions at the level of legislation. Government can only assume (and very legitimately so) that any projects assigned to it by politicians in power at any point in time are a cross-section of the true aspirations of the people.

The “Eritrean Dream” itself must be taken as given and an absolute constant by all reasonable Eritreans who agree on the basic proposition that the Eritrean revolution (the armed struggle) was a true reflection of the aspirations of the Eritrean people. This simple fact, for all practical purposes, is in the truth that all Eritrean constitutions, political programs and all formal documents proposed by any Eritrean organization must share an identical conception of Eritrea as a dream. All departures from this constant conception are illegitimate. The parameters of these constant aspirations include (among others) things such as a sovereign nation, a united people, an independent state, and a strong government capable of maintaining all other parameters on a sustainable (uninterrupted) manner.

As far as this debate goes, the basic function of any political party (group) is to answer one and only one question, which government needs to operationalize the proposed project of building and maintaining the nation: “Will success be measured by the extent to which society served the individual or the other way round?” Once politicians (in their purely philosophical personality) have answered this primary question, the rest is all a matter of technicalities and government bureaucrats (and politicians in bureaucratic personality) should be able to determine all tradeoffs necessary to mobilize the required resources. “Resources” includes human beings (when viewed as means to and end) and within this “allocation” function, bureaucrats should be able to determine, for example the level human rights and individual liberties that the state given the projects and circumstances at hand may be able to afford.

The above is of course a simplification (by abstraction) of what politicians do at the functional level. Some may argue that, in practice, politicians do a lot more. In fact, the primary job of politicians is to hold government accountable. However, functions and institutions of accountability including the whole judiciary (and legal system) is practically redundant in our debate as we try to find out the subject matter of what might be understood as different alternatives. Since the goal of accountability as a function of governance is to ensure that bureaucrats do what politicians tell them to do, the role belongs to politicians in bureaucratic functions. Hence, all those involved in holding bureaucrats accountable may help improve systemic efficiencies and may in the long-run help us accumulate and store experiences thereby expanding the sphere of possibilities for politicians. Lawyers, human rights activists, and those who want to become ministers and generals to run state machinery do not contribute net value to our thinking about alternatives. Just like accountants, the only thing they can tell us is how to do what we had already decided to do in a better way.

In assessing where we stand in comparison to “the First Way”, we should view the PFDJ (ruling political party and source of current legislation) in relation to where it stands on the extent to which individuals should be subservient to society. Taking note of many experiences in history it is reasonable to assume, that the state does not start from having no say on the amount of liberty that individuals should surrender for the common good. It is the individuals, who usually start from a point, where they absolutely have no claim over any part of their personal liberty. The logical journey is from Hobbs to Nozick, not the other way round. The dialectical relationship between these two extremes usually takes the pattern whereby, hand in hand with the gradual achievement of the basic infrastructures of the state, more and more individual liberties tend to become redundant for the needs of state formation and maintenance. Even in situations where the state hardware is mature enough and no substantial components are in need of major expansion, the state does reserve the right to reclaim and confiscate individual liberties in circumstances of war and national emergencies (check with Edward Snowden for specifics).

THE SECOND WAY

I will use this term to refer to the Eritrean opposition as it stands today. The solid grounds that justify the emergence of an Eritrean opposition movement rest on the fact that the potential answer to the primary question (mentioned above) is by no means unique. There are no objective ways of determining the point, where we must allocate supremacy over individual liberties between the state and the individual. Where all citizens and groups are equally legitimate in the eyes of the people, one proven method of ensuring that the actual point selected is in fact the best possible choice, is through a democratic process of letting people vote on alternative points.

Here the ballot box would resolve the allocation (among competing politicians) of the right to pick the balance of individual liberties that government would take as given and use as the starter for the bureaucratic machine (for a given period). This is to say: beyond doubt the Eritrean opposition has a valid justification for its emergence. Given the circumstances of gross violations of basic rights and freedoms in Eritrea, the opposition has a very legitimate cause to fight for and opposition in our current situation is the must-do civic responsibility of every citizen. There is no question as to why we should oppose the situation of governance in Eritrea today and cooperate to search alternatives to make Eritrea better.

However, the right to compete is not absolute. It is a privilege that aspiring individuals and groups must earn by working hard to prove that they deserve to be trusted for having the nation’s interests at heart. The freedom of association (and all other positive political rights) should under no condition imply or be misunderstood as saying that states in the real world must let the free market determine their destiny. No sensible person can argue that the right to run people’s lives (that is what governments do) should be determined in the free market the same way that the prices of iPods are determined. Those who may be trusted to decide for the state, choices requiring the confiscation of more liberties by the state or the relinquishing of more liberties to individuals must enjoy considerable legitimacy among the people.

Someone is probably thinking of applying the same logic and concluding that the PFDJ does not enjoy any legitimacy simply because there are more people against it than for it. Eritrea as a “dream” that substantially departed from previous “dreams” came into existence in 1991 and had to start from somewhere, which happened to be the EPLF. The PFDJ did not come to power in 1991. You can only come to power if you are succeeding someone who was in power. The Eritrean government was set up on revolutionary legitimacy. Naturally, therefore, government started by confiscating all aspects of individual liberties. Similarly, any other organization may reinvent the wheel and acquire revolutionary legitimacy the same way that the PFDJ did.

That brings us to the defining feature of the “Second Way”, which is the exclusive focus on Regime Change in the hope of establishing political power through a Top-Down approach where the goods of political change would then trickle down to the masses. This core characteristic Regime-Change Agenda is the primary justification that lays the ground for alliances with any aliens as long as they share the goal of overthrowing the Eritrean government or weakening the state. The choice of establishing revolutionary legitimacy through alliance with the devil is in fact perfectly legitimate. It was done by the EPLF to drive the ELF out during the armed struggle.

However, such a strategy can only assume legitimacy where (before committing to an agreement) the Eritrean side of this devilish alliance must ensure that it is strong enough to impose its will and control the outcomes of the alliance. This was the case when the EPLF entered the devilish alliance with Weyane to defeat the ELF. It has never been the case with the Eritrean opposition and it is very unlikely that it will ever be the case. In the absence of this critical condition, any such alliance is either an irresponsible act or straight out treason punishable by law.

The Second Way, therefore, is an opposition movement that has a tiny minority organized into Ethiopia-based groups and a silent majority very angry and confused helplessly sitting on the sidelines. This is how “Weyane Tigray” stole the genuine movement of good Eritreans – by mobilizing disgruntled Eritrean opportunists, vested interests, irresponsible power centers and a global conspiracy of regional intelligence organizations. The “Second Way”, therefore, represents Eritrean activists essentially fighting for an opposition movement that is controlled and is guaranteed to serve Ethiopian national security interests.

THE THIRD WAY

This is a proposal to respond to what I consider to be serious popular concerns with both sides of the equation: the Eritrean government’s misgivings on the one hand and the failings of the diaspora-based opposition on the other hand. It is a proposal to bring the opposition described in “the Second Way” above back to track. This proposal is unique in one critical argument and for now a very brief description of the idea is below in both its political and civil society components.

Political Activism

There have been three legitimate (in the sense that they share the Eritrean dream) versions of the “Second Way” opposition that promotes the Regime Change Agenda in a Zero-Sum game environment:

(a)  Opposition (organized and spontaneous) that promotes various armed and peaceful means with the identical objective of effecting regime change in Eritrea. The difference between the armed and peaceful means of struggle in the traditional opposition movement is only a difference in the amount of violence that should be taken as necessary not in the character of the intended outcome of regime change.

(b) Opposition (primarily civil society groupings) that have at various times promoted the idea of negotiating with the PFDJ in order to come up with better government. The “Reform Movement” spearheaded by the G15 and G13 falls within this category. This brand represents the regime change agenda because it is the other side of the coin of overthrowing the government. While one side proposes confrontation, the other side seeks a negotiated exit for the PFDJ. This is explained by the fact that those who were (or claimed to be so) part of the Reform Movement did not have any problem merging with the diaspora opposition when they started to organize.

(c) Opposition (presumed to be active inside the Eritrean military) that promotes the idea of removing the regime through some kind of coup d’état or popular uprising that emulates the Arab Spring. The Forto rebellion and “Robocall activists” promoting similar Regime-Change uprisings are some examples.

I have excluded two legitimate categories of “Regime Change” opposition from consideration here because the proposal for the Third Way is limited to suggesting alternative ideas to entities that share the Eritrean dream as it stood on May 24th, 1991.

The first legitimate exception to the discussion above (and all subsequent discussions), which we must take very seriously is where any individual or organization does not agree on all the parameters (without exception) of the prevailing conception of “the Eritrean Dream”. If this is the case (as is true with the ethnic rights movement in our situation), neither the political party guiding government (PFDJ) nor the government implementing legislation has legitimate authority to negotiate accommodations.

Where the legitimacy of “the Eritrean Dream” is in question, revisions may come from two very legitimate sources: (a) debates that manage to persuade a critical mass of Eritreans to accept adjustments to the composition or structure of the parameters; (b) violent protests that succeed in enforcing de facto adjustments of parameters. The first was what we tried to do in the “land-grabber” debate and many debates before that – the second was what the Eritrean armed struggle did to Ethiopia, and what the armed factions of the ethnic rights movement is trying to do in Eritrea.

The second exception is the emerging movement of the New Unionists because unlike all other opposition variants, the Unionists are categorically against the existence of an Eritrean dream as independent from the Ethiopian dream. These are unquestionable enemies of the state of Eritrea and I am not wasting your time discussing their validity.

The common thread among all legitimate brands of the Second Way is the consensus on Regime Change and the subsequent vulnerability of forming alliances at random, with whoever shares the interest on conspiracy against Eritrea. All these brands have no interest in creating an alternative to the PFDJ as a political constituency. The concept of “alternative” must by definition rest on the assumption of coexistence. In the context of democratic (pluralist) thinking, “alternative” does not in any way imply or refer to something that will wipe out what already exists and sit on its place for good. For any two alternatives to exist, they must coexist in an environment and a formula where each would serve as the alternative to the other. Potentially the two must alternate in succession.

Wherever this is not the case, opposition necessarily becomes about regime change not about creating an alternative. Eritreans must be able to choose between what they already have and what promotes itself as alternative. Regime change relies on destroying this possibility of choice and is therefore by no means “opposition” in the standard conception of the word. It is illegal to advocate Regime Change in any country in the world including North Korea. Why should it be legal in Eritrea? It is illegal because it is a Trojan horse, which can carry very bad things.

The Third Way proposed here resolves the most critical question for what Eritreans should consider as legitimate opposition by removing the very credible possibility of collaboration with foreign enemies of the state. It holds the following four points to be true and beyond contention:

(1) Eritrea is a sovereign state and is entitled to treatment as a sovereign state

(2) The Eritrean government as the of a sovereign state is the only Eritrean entity that is entitled to define the parameters of Eritrea’s national security interests

(3) No Eritrean activism may be considered legitimate unless it is carried out within the limits of the parameters of Eritrea’s national security interests (as defined by the Eritrean government)

(4) Since the Eritrean government has the duty to protect its citizens under emerging international practice, Eritreans maintain the right to debate and create alternative forms of governance within the parameters of Eritrean national security interests

This may sound idealistic and elitist. The first observation that jumps to mind is what many including brother SG mentioned in one of the comments to the previous article: the reason the opposition ended in this tight corner is that the PFDJ closed all doors and possibilities of creating alternatives. It is a dictatorship and it seeks to maintain power at all cost. That is definitely true and I am not one who needs proof of this fact. The bitter truth is that there is no other way for legitimate opposition to emerge.

It is true that every Eritrean should have the right to define what Eritrea’s national security interests are and therefore decide if specific actions violate these interests. The problem is that such a definition and hence the hypothetical right on which it is premised is illegal in all societies across the globe and throughout history. There is only one way to obtain the right to determine a country’s national security interests and that is by first assuming political power. There is no easy way and no shortcuts.

The Third Way opposition takes the exclusivist tendency of the PFDJ as given and seeks to create spaces of activism that do not violate the condition of legitimate opposition embedded in the four points above. It proposes four minimum conditions for characterizing rationality in any opposition activism:

(1)  No opposition is legitimate unless it guarantees to promote better ways of defending Eritrea’s national security interests (as defined by the Eritrean government)

(2) No opposition is responsible if it seeks to reinvent the wheel by destroying what Eritreans have already achieved (even if it promises to rebuild from scratch)

(3) No opposition is rational if it seeks to create less choices for the Eritrean people or to recreate the single choice solution through a Regime Change Agenda

(4)  No opposition is legal if it operates outside the prevailing laws of the state of Eritrea or attempts to obstruct their administration by the government of Eritrea, with the exception of situations that might arguably add value towards better governance

To say it bluntly – it is the responsibility of opposition activists to create their own spaces in the context of what is possible given the circumstances. We cannot blame a government described, by the opposition itself, as a dictatorship for not allowing spaces for the emergence of alternatives. It is not the destiny of the Eritrean people to be stomped in political games. Where the only way for an organized opposition movement to emerge is by adopting methods of struggle that place the very existence of the nation at risk, the Eritrean people are better off without such opposition.

The Third Way starts from the belief that there is actually much larger space of opposition within the limits of legitimate activism as defined above than within the highly vulnerable and legitimately questionable Regime change activism. It is a call to kick ourselves up and away from lazy & easy politics and compete of quality of governance not on quality of violence.

Human Rights Activism

The discussion in “the First Way” should lead to the conclusion that the state is the one that practices the charity of relinquishing individual liberties that are redundant for its functioning. “Redundancy” is the keyword. Withholding redundant individual liberties by the state is an extremely costly endeavor that no sensible government can afford. Under the assumption of governments as rational formations, no such government withholds redundant liberties. Where there is substantial unwarranted hoarding of restrictions to individual liberties by the state, there is room for very legitimate and effective activism promoting the expansion of individual liberties without threatening valid national security interests.

The perception that individuals may rise in rebellion and snatch individual liberties that the state had appropriated on objective legitimate grounds that prove their critical importance for its formation and maintenance is a total myth. Where such a rebellion of individuals does succeed in forcing the state to relinquish liberties that are critical (not redundant) for its maintenance, the state must necessarily collapse. Some of the phenomena of failed states, the most notable being Iraq and currently Syria are classic examples. In both cases, as in many other examples, groups of individuals acting as part of global conspiracies have succeeded in bringing the state to its knees by mobilizing supporters around well-documented proofs of state appropriation of individual liberties (without saying why the liberties were appropriated in the first place).

The constants of any legitimate Eritrean civil society and human rights activism must build on the following key consideration:

(a) The state of nature (for our purpose) is an anarchic order resting on the libertarian principle of Non-Aggression. Here individuals are essentially sovereign entities entitled to a full ownership and control over everything that affects their lives and choices. No individual or collective might violate this sovereign personal space except in the case voluntary contractual agreement with the individual in question. The state is such a hypothetical contractual formation premised on the assumption, that the collective must violate some rights if it is to respect most other rights. The very minimum of the rights, which may not be violated by the state (i.e. what is left of the principle of Non-Aggression) is represented in the conception of Constitution (either codified or non-codified – both perfectly legitimate). Laws, legislations and policies enacted by government specify the contents of the basket of rights that are up for grabs (by activists) at any particular point in time and depending on circumstances. The “up for grabs” concept is the same one presented above as “redundant”.

(b) This is the point that every activist must memorize: FOR ANY ASPECT OF YOUR LIFE TO BE A RIGHT, IT MUST FIRST BE LEGAL. While every American has the right to become President, it is illegal to become a US President if you are not born in the USA. Therefore, it is not a right as long as that law is in place. Free movement of people is a human right. Free movement to Lampedusa without a proper visa is illegal and therefore not a human right as long as Italian xenophobic laws are in place.

(c) Human Rights violations are those concerns that arise from the state not respecting its own laws and obligations under international law. They are not concerns that arise because of those laws that sovereign states are entitled to enact and enforce. If compulsory national service is the law in Eritrea, even if it ends up destroying every life in the country, evasion of national service or attempts to obstruct its implementation is illegal as long as that law is in place.

Under the circumstances, evasion of or escaping from national service is not a human right in Eritrea and on the contrary, it a felony. Similarly, if Eritrea has a law that requires of Eritreans in the diaspora to pay a 2% tax, it is a felony to evade, encourage people to break the law or obstruct under any justification the smooth administration of the law as long as it is in place. Since Eritrea has a law that requires all citizens sent on official duty to return upon completion of assignment, what I did by not returning, whatever the justification, was felony not an exercise of my human right in an absolute sense. The deadlock in the transnational space of refugee advocacy arises precisely from that fact that while the identical act is (legitimately) a felony in one country it is an internationally protected human right in others.

(d) Fortunately, governments do not have a free hand on their citizens – not any more. There was a time when Nazi Germany could enact laws to exterminate whole populations on primordial specifications. There was a time when Stalin’s communists could declare a socio-economic class unworthy of survival. There was a time when a section of the Rwandan population could just pick machetes and hack the other section out of the map. Things have changed since then and the international community may hold governments accountable for the safety and well-being of their citizens under “the Responsibility (of the international community) to Protect”.

All these atrocities arise because of explicit and implicit laws and policies i.e. the implied concerns happen because of those laws not in spite of them. Since the remedy is to replace those laws and the regimes that practice them (if necessary), they fall within the exclusive domain of politicians and political activism and have very little to do with civil society and human rights activism. The exclusive domain of the latter (human rights activism) is where violations and atrocities take place in spite of the restrictions that prevail in the laws and policies enacted and enforced by the states in question.

Restricting Eritrean human rights activism within this specific domain has three critical advantages:

(i) It steals the human rights agenda from the controversial domain of politics in our highly polarized situation. Since the goal of such activism is to hold the Eritrean government accountable for the spirit and letter of its own laws, proclamations and policies, there is no room for supporters of the PFDJ to excuse themselves from valid concerns by all sensible Eritreans.

(ii) It adds net value towards the government’s efforts to build a strong and better state of Eritrea as it brings to the attention of the public discrepancies that arise at the implementation stage of public policy. It makes government more efficient and eliminates waste due to uncontrolled human factors of enforcement including the corruption of public offices.

(iii) It has the capacity to reach a much larger constituency law-abiding Eritreans, who in spite of their obedient service to the nation are caught up under potentially corrupt situations where government intervention is required. It expands the focus from a tiny minority of those to whom the laws that we are trying to improve do not apply to them anymore because they have already made it out of the country, to those for whom change would make a difference. It makes the opposition camp competitive, because unlike the easy task of following refugee boats in the Mediterranean and human traffickers in the Sinai, this paradigm calls in the whole spectrum of the crisis of governance into the opposition agenda. It is also critical in holding the Eritrean government and its embassies abroad accountable

I have struggled very hard to bleach the article from bad-mouthing and I am tired thanks to Gadi’s warning to restrict my license because he has had enough of it. Can you lobby to lift the sanctions?

Pinterest
  • Eyob

    Let me first state that I detest the current regime in power for many reasons, however I’m finding that the various opposition groups in the Diaspora are not any better especially when it comes to the 2% tax. For god sakes, it’s been reported that the 2% tax brings in no more than a few million dollars according to the UN. Chump change if you ask me. The US implements a similar taxation scheme on its citizens who earn income abroad. So for the very same reasons why it’s legal for the US will be the very same reason PFDJ will utilize to defend its implementation. The flipside is that you can always renounce your dual citizenship and not have to worry about paying taxes to Eritrea or the US for that matter. Ironically more nations in the developed world are interested in implementing the same taxation policy given the current economic downturn and lack of tax revenues. So what do these actions currently undertaken by the opposition actually accomplish? Well the only thing the opposition is actually doing is further alienating their fellow Eritreans in their respective communities because quite frankly you’re only inconveniencing them. Instead of someone being able to go to their local embassy to pay for it, they simply have to pay in other ways. PFDJ may not be able to collect it in Canada but rest assured they’ll simple just collect it in Eritrea once you land and expect to open a business, purchase a home, obtain official documentation, etc. Do you honestly think they won’t get their money? Why some of our brain dead so called activists do not understand this is beyond me? It seems we’ve allowed hate to cloud our reasoning. Stop with the nonsense, stop with the lies and stop with the divisive politics. That’s the only way you’ll be able to get your message across and actually be respected. Good day.

  • Dawit

    Saba,
    That’s a good one. Which stage are on on Saba? I have one idea in my mind and thinking about what cartoon best depicts my idea. I will post it later.

    • Saba

      Thanks. It is just a sketch:) I am in the third way, at the beginning of the blue lane(the third way). The red ones(the first and the second ways) are heading to hell. Eager to see your next cartoon.

  • Ermias

    Saba, beli yekenyeley eza haftey. Nab stage 0 kimles eye, abt marshabedi. Ab maakel tsirgya menghedi stage 2 kaa secramat PFDJ kiregtsuni.

    • Saba

      No easy fix Ermiasey, guya to the comfort zone. That’s why most awatists are stuck in stage 0. Stage 3 is the toughest one, after a toxic political environment where there can be character assassination. Good luck in your journey, in the red asphalted street:)

  • Serray

    Saba,

    I though you follow awate…we had a heated discussion about the constitution a few weeks ago. My wish is, to avoid any vacuum, the next government should implement the constitution as is and then, after the first election, start fixing the shaebia portion of it like land and natural resources ownership by the state.

    Aseb is ours to lose; well, eritrea is ours to lose. For a normal human being, 23 years is a long time to evaluate the competency of a government. If this corrupt regime of murderers and human trafficking ex-tegadelti stays longer, eritrea is a red meat. Nobody likes a vacuum, when isaias’s liver finally explodes and if the corrupt and human trafficking generals are in power without the mandate to implement the constitution, they will be at each others throats and aseb will be the least of your problems. But that is okay with you, you would rather see eritrea torn into pieces than see free eritrea while the woyanes held a piece of shit called badme. Don’t worry, you are going to get your wish as the voices of reason who are asking for nothing more than a constitutional governance are drowned out by the “Woyane Are Coming!” crowd like you.

    • Saba

      I have to insist that you still did not answer the question. I completely understand the current problem in eritrea. What is your solution? Explaining again the problem or you have a good one? I am referred to you by Ermias that you may have great ideas so i was wondering if you have great solutions to our problem. May be you are great at dissecting the ghedli/eplf/pfdj’s but when it comes to the question what is next, your answer seems the same, dissecting the problem. It is typical of the “cyber opposition” who have empty agenda. If you want to go to mars, you should have a plan. So what is your solution?

  • AMAN

    While most of us Eritreans were defending the nation from minority Ethiopian
    woyane aggression to take away our pride and dignity in our history, unity and
    national cohesion as one united people; some few has crossed to the woyane
    camp cozying with woyane leaders and working against their people and their
    country Eritrea from both camps of the RULING AND OPPOSITION parties by
    personalizing people’s issues and agenda as their own private property/agenda.
    In this case the ones who paid heavy sacrifice in safeguarding their unity,history
    and country’s dignity are the non-partisan nationalists – “silent majority” who stood
    to wither away all the evil assault befalling on them from right and left of the opposing
    parties.
    Now as if this destruction and degrading of their own people to serve their woyane
    masters is not enough they get the courage to preach to us as if woyane is an ally
    while it the one sworn enemy worst than the DERGUE and/or HSI Ethiopian rulers.
    Because people to people or people and government relations were even much
    better during the first two administrations than woyane/Tplf admistration era.
    The situation of Eritreans during the 70’s and 80’s in Addis Ababa and other
    Ethiopian cities and towns was much better socially and economically then than
    the 90’s and beyond of woyane era adminstartion.

  • Saba

    Here is my amateur cartoon for the “5 stages of U-turn”
    http://i.imgur.com/ty9JkEj.png
    I hope experts like Haile and Dawit can make it professional for the sake of art even though it might be against their interest:)

  • Alex Deana

    [Moderator: summarize and post topics you feel should be discussed here. At Awate Forum]

  • tafla
  • Ermias

    Okay, hold it mister. Why don’t I count?

    If you look at the Scandinavian countries, they have amongst the highest tax rates in the world at the same time, they have the happiest* people with excellent health and life expectancy.
    The question about the 2% tax is that it is not going to the right places.

    I have two questions for you Araya (but maybe Haile knows the answer to the first question):

    1. I always wondered how much money the Eritrean regime collects annually out of the 2% taxes?
    2. Why don’t they do a flat amount (say a few hundred for every Eritrean who works abroad) instead of collecting 2% asking for W-2s and verifications?

    *I would strongly presume that Ethiopians are happier than Eritreans at this point in time not because they are paying higher taxes but because their government puts them first.

    • Serray

      Ermias,

      Wrong answer. The european governments that impose vat and other taxes are elected governments serving the interest of their people. The murderers and human traffickers terrorizing our people are not a government, just a collection of murderers and human traffickers. Don’t forget, in addition to the free labor of people they enslave, they own the land, the natural resources and practically every enterprise in the country. The last thing these murderers should do is extort the diaspora. It is very unprincipled to give these murderers the cover of legitimacy by suggesting any form of tax.

      One of the interesting thing is, the mindless cheerleaders and the watered down hitler youth always, always, try to cheat the regime they worship from a distance. They forge papers, they rarely use the official exchange when they go back home to rape young girls half their age, they ship goods in the name of one person who is on welfare and they rarely use direct channels to buy or sell things. I know a vacationing cheerleader who uses coupons to buy stuff from what the amharic dergi used to call hibret suk and what our blood sucking tigrigna speaking dergi call hidri something. So every time you hear the watered down hitler youth or the mindless cheerleaders justify the extortion, remember, they are not asking to pay it; they just want the rest of us to pay it.

      • Semere Andom

        Ermias and Serray:
        Good summary in the extortion Serray
        Ermias, a tax levied by illegal and mafia group like the PFDJ should not be embraced even if, even if, it is used to build schools and hospitals. The tax is illegal and fact that we tend to legitimize illegal things from illegal group in the name of rebuilding has been our downfall. As far as I am concerned the PFDJ/EPLF was only mandated to remove the colonizers and hand power to its right owners, the Eritrea people after a brief custodian power transition.
        Get this: any legislation from PFDJ is illegal, you know the Chicago Mafioso, Al Capone who killed and had a network of tax extortions, run a charity, but he ended up in prison because USA has laws and the legal government that is ruled by an enshrined law does not tolerate illegal taxes if if you have a charity as a facade. Let me tell you one more about the power of law, the Weathermen, a movement that wanted to overthrow the government in the sixties, the law said the state did not have enough evidence so they free them, many of them are teachers, professors thanks to the law. You cannot levy taxes in an environment devoid of law even if you managed to throw a bone here and a bone there, shifta can do that that too. Of course if you are romantic at hear, you can believe and support that, it is for the good of the country
        Semere

        • Ermias

          Serray and Semere andom. Thank you! The only reason why I said the 2% is going to the wrong places, which most know already, is not to justify it in the first place but rather to avoid a lengthy explanation as to why it’s illegal. But you two said it most eloquently, that’s how I expertly delegate work to the most able hands.

          P.S. I have never paid anything to the PFDJ regime.

  • Kaddis

    Wanted to share this article: The return of dictators : http://www.straight.com/news/621116/gwynne-dyer-return-dictators
    It clearly explains how dictators could grow delusional, but I wander how their supporters do the same. Coming closer to home – reading Dergue PM Fikreselassie Wogderes book reviews shows how delusional one can be. I am waitng Haile’s summary of Isu’s latest bed time story ( yechelemaw neguse ) interview; coined since it was made in the dark -:)

  • Kokhob Selam

    ……………..ነፍሴን ፍለጋ……………..

    ያ ኣካል በድን – ሟች ኣይደል ረጋፊ :-
    ጥርስ ቆራጭ ምላሱ ለፍላፊ:-
    ለጥቅሙ ሲል ሌሎችን ዘላፊ:-
    ሌባ ኣይደል የሌላን ዘራፊ ::

    ያም ሆኖ ኣይደሰት ኣይሆንለት ሰላም :-
    ነገሮችን ሲደባልቅ ዕረፍት ኣያገኝም ::

    በትናንት ና ነገ ያለችውን ዛሬ:-
    ኣጉል ያጠፋታል በኣሉባልታ ወሬ::

    ኣይ!!!!!
    ነብስን ነው ማግኘት :-
    ሃቅን ለመዳኘት :-
    ደስታ ውስጥ መዋኘት :-
    መኖር- የዘልኣለም ህይወት :-
    ታድያ:-
    ነፍሴን ፍለጋ –
    …….ክረምት ኣልል በጋ –
    ……………..ቆላ ኣልል ደጋ –
    ………………እየመሸ ነጋ –
    ………………….ስታጠፍ ስዘረጋ –
    ……………………ኣልተገኘችም ተሸሽጋ ::

    እንነቴን የግድ ማግኘት ብየ –
    ጉዞየን ቀጠልኩት ሁሉን ነገር ጥየ::

    ምክር ብጠይቅ መንገዱን የሚያሰይ –
    ሁሉም እንደኔ ነው የኖረ ሲሰቃይ –
    እራሱን ለመፍለግ በምድር በሰማይ –
    ሲበር የሚኖር ሲቀያይር ጠባይ ::

    ኣንድ ቀን ፍጹም ሲታክተኝ :-
    ቁጭ ብየ ሳስብ እራሴን ስቃኝ :-
    ብልጭ ብላ ታየችኝ
    ቆማ ስትጠብቀኝ :-
    ኣካሌ ኣይደለም — ራሴ ነፍስ ነኝ::

    ወይ’ኔ እኔነቴ !!!!!
    ኣንችን ፍለጋ ይገርማል መጥፋቴ:-
    በውስጤ እያለሽ ርቄ መዝመቴ ::

    የዚች ኣለም ሚስጥር ተጋለጠ :-
    ራሴን ኣገኘሁኝ – ፈነዳ ያበጠ ::

    ለካ ሁሉም ችግር የሚፈታው :-
    ሀ -ብሎ ሲጀምር ራስን ሲያገኙ ነው ::

    • Dear Kokhob Selam,

      I had said it in the past and I will say it again; you are a great poet. I have always enjoyed your poems in Amharic, which I can understand. Please save your poems for the better days, which surely will come, so that people would say that among the Ethio-Eritrean
      controversies of those days, there was one talented poet, who tried to show that what Ethiopians and Eritreans searched so hard to find, was always there, in their own souls, as it was in the souls of their forefathers. Simply, they were too blind to see it, because unlike their ancestors, they became selfish and arrogant.

      • Kokhob Selam

        Thank you bother sure all is saved and even coming with voice and animation. with this site more will come.

    • geremew

      of course!

  • Abinet

    I tell them not to worry about assab. It is you should worry about it . How to get the maximum benefit out of it.look how much money Djibouti is making every year. Your lose , their gain.
    I always believe it is better to lease a new car than to buy a very old , rusted , never been maintained,…..car from a junkyard even if it cheap.does it make sense to you?
    That is how I see your precious assab .
    In Amharic we say ” miqegna lerasu kemiagegn lelaw biata yishalewal” let me add one more for the Ethiopians. ” assab benetsa wud new”(it is expensive even if it is free)

  • T. Kifle

    Dear All,

    Ali Salim believes that Weyane has an agenda that would come to an effect on the back of an Eritrean opposition
    who are currently “fighting” the enemy from Addis Ababa. SG has no problem on this particular allegation
    except that he is unhappy of Ali Salim for putting the entire spectrum of opposition in one bag. He made it clear to everyone who may care to know that indeed Ali Salim’s claim of the “Weyane Scarecrow” is not without merit. Add
    this to the previous heated debate on the “Eritrean dignity” initiated by the AT or SG proper. Ok! Fine!

    Now, the two opinions merge on that Ethiopia is a strategic enemy of Eritrea. Is anyone out here willing to explain
    to me the strategic interests of Eritrea that contradict equally with the strategic interests of Ethiopia? Is really Eritrea a country that causes sleeplessness to Ethiopia? On what basis? If Weyane is an evil that Eritreans should avoid at
    all time, is that mean you are dreaming of an Ethiopia without it? What does an Ethiopia without Weyane mean to Eritrea? Have you ever given little thought to this very alternative?

  • Wedi Jomo

    The problem with this article simply is its approach.
    Ali Salim lonely approach seemed to be embarked from the western perspective of political science. It could be his only resource due to his learning that literature. But as a writer he has to put in his mind the different schools of political thought. His literature can serve only the west. In every country , including African countries politics, like mass communication and other social studies is not only taught in its western perspective but also it has its local and regional and at times international perspective, such Third World Countries’. If his motto is the west’s perspective is the only righteous one then it is propaganda and not an article for discussion.

    In his article PF(JD) has been given credits but Ali missed that this party is vocal in rejecting not only the the western political stance but also the western political academia. Nothing of what Ali detailed in his analysis is taught in Eritrea’s colleges.
    Ali seems to be blindly affected by globalism. We have to be careful when it comes to globalism because it has its shortcomings. For example Ali gives ” Arab Spring” to verify his argument. What is ” Arab Spring”? We can’t simply take it as it explained to us by the west. By the way it is saying Arab meaning it has to do with Arab lands. So what do Arab political intellectuals, academia and professors say about it? Did Ali do his homework? I believe not. Does Arab Spring means to overthrow a democratically elected government by power ( Egypt) or a strong party which won in ballots in huge number sunable to implement its objectives but submit to the wills of tiny parties(Tunisa) ? Is ” Arab Spring” a software product went wrong.
    Last but not least the issue of Ethiopia with regard to Eritrean opposition parties and here Ali is either mocking with the intelligence of these parties’ leaders and members or creating untrue syndrome that has no evidence or facts.

    Wedi Jomo

  • AMAN

    Even if the Eritrean opposition had the right principle and Goal
    as us -that is the SALVATION OF INDEPENDENT ERITREA
    it had followed the wrong strategy to achieve the desired Goal
    unlike us or our strategy. It has made the wrong choice of surrendering
    its freedom of thought and action or compromised thereof under the
    imposition of woyane’s power and has pre-maturely discharged all
    its ammunition and political playing cards for fear of holding off to
    outlive woyane assault. It should have had to have farsighted goal
    and long range strategy to outlive its opponent and see beyond the
    immediate future than to capitulate and settle for a shortsighted one
    and looking for an immediate way out. The US and the woyane know
    this fact very much and all they have to do or done is to make their
    plan 1 inch longer than the opposition and outlive it. But as far as we
    are concerned we always maintain and do not compromise our freedom
    and independence and we outline our own independent strategy that
    outlives anyone and any blackmail, conspiracy or false struggle in the
    name of the people. We hold the freedom of the people on whose behalf
    we are struggling so dear. Otherwise we would not be in a struggle just
    to be a mediocre or hypocrite in the name of the people.
    SO WE DEMAND WOYANE RESPECT OUR TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNITY
    AND END ITS AGGRESSION BEFORE ANY CALL FOR PEACE AND/OR
    FRIENDSHIP.

  • Abinet

    Saba
    I have good news for you . Eritrea is fading away from our mind fast . Actually , another good news, the young generation doesn’t even care about Eritrea .they don’t even know you.and , even more good news,the older generation doesn’t want you back. So relax my sister,relax.

    • Saba

      Come on, go to ethio websites and the talk is all Assab. But you right the younger generation do not care that much as the older ones but still they like the ethio map with the head:)

      • dine

        saba, don’t listen to some confused ethiopians in ethio websites and here in AT, the truth is vast majority of ethiopians and eprdf made it crystal clear that they don’t want YOUR Assab or eritrea as a whole. what ethiopia needs from eritrea is peace and only peace, the rest is up to eritrea.

  • Dawit

    Systematic robbery. (Embassy of Eritrea in Canada robbing a tax payer)

    • AMAN

      What is systematic robbery here ?
      If you were thinking all the Eritrean oppositions to the system
      were under or accepted woyane; it is you the one who is wrong
      or naïve. In fact the majority and true opposition was anti or outside the
      control of woyane junta. And those are the ones who really made
      the difference and showed and lead the way out not the ones who
      already submitted and accepted woyane’s control.
      Despite the odds of the struggle the have came out VICTORIOUS
      getting attacked by the Ethiopian woyanes and by their own brothers
      under the service of woyane,US, and SANAA AXIS.
      what or where is the secret about this truth ?
      But they held steadfast until final victory…..and as you can see now
      they have and care continually coming to our principles held from the
      beginning of our journey. But as long as PIA/PFDJ held his position
      of defending Eritrea from the woyanes he is a welcome ally and partner
      despite our second rate differences.

    • Araya

      I hate ignorant people. Looking at Dawit’s cartoon one wonders what this guy understands and what he knows. Not to be out done, Hayat, the Mekelleyts, came up with old cartoon that was doctored to shame Brhanu Nega bowing to Mellesfive years ago. I guess when you are from Mekelle and pretend to live in USA and worst pretend to be Eritrean; everything id possible. woman, have a shame, will you. the two people who believes you are Eritrean are the Hidarat and Serray, Ermias does not count for obvious reason. get a life

      Dawin any country taxes their citizens. One thing the Ethiopian government did right is taxing their citizens to death and that is
      the only way the government can run the country. Right know if you have a cup
      of coffee, you pay 15% to the government. If you have lunch you will pay 15% to
      the government. So far the only government I know who taxes food. Having said; I agree, if they are going to have a strong government.
      I know it will end up on someone’s packet but the idea is noble. Even If you
      are employed, if you make a dollar more than 5000 Birr a month, then you are subject
      to 35% tax right from there. There are prickets but 35 % anything over 5000
      birr and I think it is is crazy. So, Mr. Dawit your ignorance and stupidity aside, what is wrong for a government taxing
      its citizens? And please stop your childish cartoons, you are turning this
      web-site in to kids one. Hayat, how is mekele? How is your seven years old
      sister? So people save your ignorance to your self.

  • AMAN

    The thing many see as solution
    that is to run to the embrace of Ethiopia presumably because
    so much institutional and personal destruction to Eritrea and
    Eritreans is neither a solution also………it is only an attempt to
    hide from the truth or a desperate action of surrender.
    The true solution with Ethiopia comes only after either if woyane
    is fully removed from holding Ethiopian state power and replaced
    by a genuine democratic government first or if woyane’s aggresion
    on Eritrea is fully neutralized to pre 1998-2000 situation and and
    an all inclusive democratic government is formed.
    Otherwise to make a decision to run under woyanes/Ethiopia’s wings
    under the present reality is only tantamount to surrender of Eritrean
    peoples struggle for their Liberty, prosperity and dignity which they
    paid heavily for 30 plus 20 years and even most other Ethiopian states
    and their peoples emulated the just nature of it over time.
    SO BACK TO PRE 1998-2000 SITUATION FIRST BEFORE MAKING
    THE NEXT LEAP FORWARD WHILE YOU ARE IN YOUR WORST SITUATION !!

  • Saleh Johar

    Opposition, in nature, is an expression of rejection of injustice. Which is better than the other, compared to the illegitimate regime, is immaterial. The issue here is ridding Eritrea of the injustice; only those who have the luxury can compare different injustices against each other as if injustice needs a reason to be weeded out. No one knows what the future regime will look like–to satisfy your curiosity, let’s assume it can be better worse of just the same as the one we have.Therefore, there is roughly a 50% chance it will be better. What we have is 100% bad. Which choice will take?

    • Saba

      Thank you for answering to the point.

      Yes opposition can be an expression of rejection of injustice but not immune to dictators. We agree that pfdj should be removed. I think our difference is in the type of opposition. For me the current opposition is not better than pfdj. As i was explaining to Ermias in the above my post about the two different streets that takes you to hell(in Ali-S language, the first and the second ways), pfdj and the opposition are branches of the same tree, the bad one. So my expectation is for worse and i am not rooting for another 23 yrs of destruction. This time we have to get it right. If we come with a correct “third way”, people will rally on it and if a critical mass is reached, pfdj will surrender. Most people in the “silent majority” are waiting for guidance. People in the silent majority are not all opportunistic, most they do not know how. Not everybody can be a guide. In a party or guyla, there is always that “wenam” that starts the dance in the right time and then the crown will follow.

      • T. Kifle

        Saba Dear,

        Where is your third way to speak of? Ali Salim’s admission of the pfdj’s criminality is simply because he cannot make a point without accepting this glaring contradiction. PFDJ is such a dismal which even its staunch supporters couldn’t have a discussion short of accepting its ugliness so that they have less pain to make the same old argument that circularly goes like “still it’s the only viable force that wards off the expansionist ambitions of the little Weyane and the USA”. We have a word in Amharic for this kind of immature exhibition of meanness: የተበላ እቁብ which is to mean “it is a lost cause” where no return is possible whether it is “U” or anything else.

  • ghezaehagos

    Selam Younis,

    Would you please answer question.

    ” I would like to know if you support putting sanction on Issaias regime based on HR violations as is the final objective the Special Rapportuer office? My guess is you don’t; but I would like to hear it from you, dear Younis. You can’t praise Elsa Chyrum and activists while denouncing the very source of their HR activities. Please be clear in your stand. Hence would you lobby to put sanctions on Eritrea on HR cause? ”
    I again wait for your reply before I respond back.

    All the best,
    Ghezae

  • Saleh Johar

    Yonus Hossen,
    Your argument is sounding like a repeat of what we went through for the last 14 years, since the the opposition to the PFDJ entered its second phase. I don’t know what you consider dirty politics, but a regime that is proud of its injustices, non-stop for over two-decades, a regime that denied Eritreans the right to live and be buried in their own country, a regime that has become an embarrassment to Eritreans is the champion of dirty politics. Indeed, I am for staving the beast, 2% or any number that comes to mind. I support Ghezae and his colleagues to pursue what they are doing, expose the regime to the outside world, starve it, shame it for the shame it imposed on Eritreans… and yes, a shifta regime has to be changed. It has to be changed because what we suffered from is more than enough already.

    In one of your posts you stated “I hate to be blunt but the agenda of the mainstream opposition belong to weyane.”

    Equally, I hate to be blunt, but your agenda belongs to the PFDJ.

    We have been hearing such arguments since a longtime, since you were with the PFDJ Yonus. The PFDJ was wrong then and is wrong now. And there is no shame but pride in struggling to weed out a qurdid that is sucking the blood and spirit out of Eritreans. Your blanket condemnation of what you call the “opposition” is unjust, uneducated, and so shallow to say the least. Men and women in the opposition cannot be conveniently lambasted into one, it is a wide field and has all colors representing Eritrea. It’s diverse in all aspects, all schools of thought, and to think that all of that can simply be defined as pursuing a Weyane agenda is absurd, rude, uneducated and simplistic. The opposition has men and women who were fighting injustice long before you and I were born. It has people who taught all the members of what you defined as the “legal authority” of Eritrea, what patriotism meant. They taught them how to think like Eritreans, how to struggle and were examples of steadfastness, integrity, respect and genuine patriotism, not short-cuts to power and abuse of the goodwill of the people.

    My dear, you are confusing power with authority–you are not even considering legitimate and illegitimate authority as different. The PFDJ is not legitimate by any stretch of imagination. If it is, then the Derg and Haile Sellassie’s regime were legitimate, and we should not have fought them with anything we had. They had the power and ruled the country, and the world dealt with them concerning Eritrea, just like the PFDJ now. Do you see how absurd your argument that the PFDJ is legitimate sounds?

    I am used to all kinds of arguments, weird arguments, capitulations, confused and shallow ideas, and anything in between. I like your provocative nature, but I hate your insults and rudeness–particularly when you insult the victims of the regime for not submitting to the will of their tormentor. I am one of the opposition, and I have nothing to do with a Weyane agenda, as I can bear witness that many members of the opposition that you and the PFDJ lots malign day in and day out, are genuine patriots who love their country, and they have decades of struggle to prove that. Psychological and physical scars to show for that. Please stop this rudeness, particularly when you can’t present a shred of evidence to support your wild allegation… and when you are tempted to define and describe people you don’t know even remotely.

    • Saba

      I agree completely with you on your comments about pfdj. But what would your “opposition” do differently from pfdj if the public asks you that question before handing power? You are right, it is a vicious cycle: pfdj is bad–>we need the opposition in power–>is the opposition better?–>yes because pfdj is so bad–>etc The third way might break this cycle.

    • ALI-S

      SG,

      I will skip the rest and see what you think of this: say I agree with you that the PFDJ is illegitimate because it was never elected, and the same for the Derge and Haile. Or may be they lost legitimacy because of what they did after they came to power.

      How does that make a regime that is planning to come to power the same way the PFDJ did (without elections) and we have no first hand data to judge their performance any more legitimate?

      My position is very clear and I don’t care what people think of it: the regime change agenda is not an agenda of any legitimate Eritrean opposition and the only entity that may benefit from it as of today are the Weyane in proxy wars for these reasons:

      (1) It proposes to come to power through a process that the opposition itself has declared illegitimate
      (2) It is an agenda that serves power grabbing elite groups by blinding and shoving the grassroots in battles they have nothing to do with
      (3) It is a struggle based on dishonesty by pressuring people to look away from legitimate national security concerns
      (4) It is pursued by self-serving opposition groups who have nothing to offer other than opportunistic proposals of riding Eritrea’s enemies to come to power

      If anyone fits this profile, it is not my problem. They are the ones who should think again. I am not denying their right to do what they wish but I am also maintaining my right to mobilize for the alternative that I think serves Eritrean interests.

      • haile

        Selam Ali-S

        You wrote:

        “How does that make a regime that is planning to come to power the same way the PFDJ did (without elections) and we have no first hand data to judge their performance any more legitimate?”

        There is only going to be one way to remove the regime, by forcing it to vacate ( one way or the other). That is the only avenue available as per the regime’s unequivocal declaration to stay indefinitely regardless of the wish of the people.

        Anyone coming to power by force (so long as they have enough strength to do so) are legit by default. What would not be legit is if they go the regime’s way of prevarication and bulking out of handing over power to the result of popular election.

        So, it is very likely that the regime is going to be overthrown violently in the near future and the hope is that there is going to be the foundations of constitutional democracy laid after that. This surely would enable you to make you current case from parliamentary podium in the land of your fathers, without being threatened in anyway for expressing yourself freely.

        Regards

        • Saba

          So how do you make sure that the new force will be a dictator as the current pfdj? After all they are following the same path. I used to hear “Wocho inte gelbetkayos wocho”

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Younis,

            If you are a fighter against the regime, no body insisted you to go to Ethiopia to fight the regime. In fact you have another vicinity to our land, which is Sudan, where you grew up and could help your people from there. The Issue is from where your fighting, it is how you see the regime and fight against it. People they fight where ever they want and however they want to it. But please like all PFDJ don’t make the border issue an excuse not to fight the enemy of our people which is issayas and his state apparatus. Remember Ethiopia will not never deal with an illegitimate Issayas regime. We shouldn’t waste our time on the border issue while our people is disintegrating. For me it doesn’t matter how you fight it and where you fight it. Just stand against this regime and make it your priority more than anything.

          • Ermias

            Saba, I am getting scared now because you are sounding more and more like Ali-S. I hope you are not his other self. If I just learn that you are not a female, that would be a big blow because I am having fantasies of future minister in you and me being your minion.

        • ALI-S

          Haile,

          I don’t see much difference between what you said and what I am saying.

          The only thing is that I am trying to tell you that there are actually better and easier ways that do not jeopardize the integrity of the opposition as independent and honest.

          You are the one who is saying my way or the highway for anyone who has concerns on the performance and behaviour of the PFDJ system. I am telling you that you have no right to tell me that the Weyane way is the only way.

          You are giving yourself the right to speak for the Eritrean people while at the same time arguing that the only way to speak for the Eritrean people is through democratic elections.

          My whole point is that the Eritrean opposition agenda has been stollen and the thief is in Ethiopia. Let us sober up and find ways of reclaiming it back where it belongs. Unless you are the thief or have an interest with what the thief does, why would that be a problem?

      • Saleh Johar

        Ahlan Yonus, I will also skip the rest and try to respond to your questions:

        1. You are wong in #1, there are some in the opposition who do not condone “by any means neccessary” and they identify themselves as opposition.

        2. The same can be said about the entire liberation struggle, it was the elite that carried the struggle ahead. Would you say the EPLF was “a power grabbing elite group that blinded and shoved the grassroots in battles they have nothing to do with”?

        3. There are many in the “opposition” who adopt similar views to your s (item #3 which is centered on the border, sovreignity, etc)

        4. There are some who have no relation with Ethiopia or do not subscribe to Ethiopia’s views, yet they all identify themselves as opposition.

        I have no problem if you zoom in and challenge those you accuse instead of bagging everyone in one small bag. The opposition doesn’t fit small bags, it is diverse and multi-cultural, driven by a variety of driving ideologies and opinions. My objection is the stereotypical was in which you shove everyone into one fence without any qualifiers or disclaimers. I have my views on the type of so-called “opposition” who are guilty as charged as far as I know. There are also some who identify themselves as opposition, and who use the Weyane scare tactic in their attempt to replace the top cream of the PFDJ (reform the regime, in their parlance) and replace it with themselves as a refurbished PFDJ.

        • ALI-S

          To All Arbegnoch,

          Let us all evade the gual-mengedi and let me ask you some questions:

          (1) Why is it that when you are open discussing everything with this much transparency, every one of you is evading the uncomfortable question of where you (each) personally stands on the Weyane thing? I told you mine.

          (2) Instead of speaking about the opposition like they are aliens in the moon, let each one speak about where they are and where they stand. Let each start any comment by saying whether he is for or against Weyane using our opposition in proxy war against Eritrea.

          (3) If you think that is an overstatement and probably believe that there are no proxy wars between the two countries, may be we need an explanation as to why we ended up believing so.

          (4) If there are proxy wars, we know the PFDJ is using specific organizations that all of us can name. Assuming you all had more than 20 years of opposition black-belt (n’kontu) by now you should be familiar about those who are being used in the proxy war by Ethiopia. Can you name a few?

          If you don’t answer these with no U-Turns I will assume you are Weyane (:-)

          • Ermias

            Ali-S, I am not harbegna; lucky for me your questions don’t pertain to me.

            It’s good to see that you are embedding some humor in your comments here and there. But those are being more than cancelled out by your merar melhas. So in light of this, one question for you: if Mr. Gadi gets super mad at you and refuses to publish your future articles, where would you post them?

          • Saleh Johar

            Ermias, this disingenuous of you. If I ban people because I am mad, or don’t agree with their opinion, you wouldn’t have been able to discover many ideas that are present here. Given the track record of awate.com, do you think your question is appropriate?

          • Ermias

            Mr. Gadi, I sincerely apologize for that. I meant to learn who Ali-S’s target audience really is if he revealed where he would go other than this website. I should have asked him directly. Please accept my apology because this website does a lot for me and everyone who visits.

          • Ermias

            Peace out y’all. Keep fighting the good fight! Finally calling it quits, my bad sense of humor (but I like to think misunderstood than bad) is to blame. Some people are insulting the intelligence of the entire Eritrean population and I make minor jokes occasionally which some find extremely unpleasant. I do not want to do that to anyone any longer.

            Lord have mercy on my fellow Eritreans all over the world!

          • ALI-S

            Ermias,

            Please keep going. You are giving me a break where I can see some intelligent words and laugh. That is what we are missing my brother. Did you check with Dr. Saba? She says you are good for a U-Turn when you make it the point where you almost feel like quits (:-)

          • ALI-S

            Ermias,

            Congratulations! Your last comment qualified you for stage 2.

          • ALI-S

            Ermias,

            If Ghadi is mad he will have to leave not me. I belong here. After knowing for so long and through a much rougher debate where he took more punches thank I did just to make sure I find a place, I think he would be happy to leave rather than to kick someone who is running his right to free speech. So let us take it to the extreme and get him out

      • ghezaehagos

        Selam Younis,

        First of all, thanks Saleh Gadi, Sem, AH and Tes.

        While waiting for your reply, dear Younis, that is whether you consider the Special Rapporteur office as political (as all politics is dirty for you, these days) or HR, let me briefly try to respond rhetorically to the point you are fond of repeating.

        “How does that make a regime that is planning to come to power the same way the PFDJ did (without elections) and we have no first hand data to judge their performance any more legitimate?”

        If the right to change the ways of unresponsive government even by force is illegitimate action for you, then what makes our very REVOLUTION to wage armed struggle legitimate for you? Who gave us the legal mandate to carry arms in the first place as there was ‘no first hand data to judge the performance of our liberation fronts any more legitimate as they were planning to come to power the same way HAILESELLASIE DID come to Eritrea, that is BY FORCE.”

        For that matter what is the legal basis of all liberation movements that we all know that toppled tyrant regimes who came to power by force.
        You see bro, putting all the eggs on the means of struggle rather than the final objective of the struggle makes this point of yours as fallacious, contradictory, ahistorical and as Gadi said, ‘uneducated.’

        Again, your cardinal ‘sin’ lies not only in de-legitimization of our struggle to fight the Isaias regime but also the basic right of every decent human being to rebel against injustice, including the proud achievements of fighters who gave their lives bravely for betterment of their fellow human beings. And the most ironic thing is you are doing it not based on natural law, or international laws or even the laws of conscience but by being self-referential (Dan Connell on Isais) and calling upon the praxis and immoral laws of Issais regime as final authority in matters of Eritrea. Again for a former diplomat who claimed being victimized by the regime, for a student of international studies and most importantly as a fellow Eritrean citizen, I must say with respect I find your views to be quite retrograde and at times, very, very cruel.

        Again, the right to change a regime is as old as history itself–unless 1943* is the start of history for you. In the modern sense, please see the following quote:

        “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal… That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.” THOMAS JEFFERSON, Declaration of Independence.

        Dear Younis, what is hated about Issais regime is not that it came to power; but it made power its end. I am not saying this will happen, but in theory, when we say we support opposition, we don’t mean we will support an opposition that comes to power for its sake; we want the power be transferred to its legitimate owners, the Eritrean people. Please don’t confuse about who is coming to power with what one is supposed to do once in power.

        It bears repeating it is very arrogant and cruel of you to dismiss the spirit of change-seekers as a work of Woyane. Here you are not again underestimating and belittling ( I know unintentionally) Eritreans, but the spirit of human beings itself, hence their very humanity.

        I will re-re-repeat the question “would you lobby to put sanctions on Eritrea on HR cause? ”

        All the best,

        Ghezae Hagos

        * 1943= start of first Woyane rebellion.

        • ALI-S

          Gezae Habibna,

          First of all thanks for the very polite way of wording your arguments.

          To answer your questions on sanctions: I have no conclusive position as this is not a black or white answer. Sanctions in my opinion should can only be judged by the context within which the are proposed.

          In an environment, of ours, where the HR agenda is tugged to a regime change agenda, the sanctions and all promotions to suck the life out of the nation should be seen as fitting together as instruments of the regime change agenda.

          I am therefore absolutely opposed to the sanctions that were imposed against Eritrea. For your information, though the sanctions (if you are referring to the UN Sanctions) were imposed for reasons that have nothing to do with the HR situation is Eritrea.

          The lobbying for banning the 2% and other sanctions that you might be referring to were all premised on a dishonest campaign that had to hide the regime change agenda. Eritrea is a sovereign country and only it can decide what to request of its citizens not the Canadian government.

          What you understood as contradiction between praising human rights and refugee advocates and the call to separate the HR agenda from the regime change agenda is a good observation. But there is no contradiction at all: I praise them and all good Eritreans for anything that they are doing in good faith in the hope that they will help someone. My problem is with people who are trying to take advantage of what they are doing by picturing it as part of the regime change agenda.

          My call for Elsa and others is to sit back and assess ways for keeping the free-rider opposition away from claiming their efforts and transforming them from HR activists into foot soldiers of a sell-out agenda.

          I will come to the other post

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Ghezae, SGJ and Tes,

            I think Younis made it clear now.
            Any thing that cause regime change, be it through HR agenda or political agenda, he is against it. How can he be more clearer in his responses to ghezae above? Though he likes circular answer? The U-turn has hit its home as of today. I don’t think he needs more articles now.

          • tes

            I am completely in line with your conclusion. It is a crystal clear now what he mean.He is oke with the political agendas of pfdj.

            yah, as an economist, probabily he might have majored in human exploitation, better, human slavery. That is why he amenably accepts the safe havoc. Not a surprise, after his new Geo-political map of divided horn of Africa got no ground, he turned to pfdj’s policy, divide and rule and creating chaos in neighbouring areas. If there is chaos, definitely the end result is his new map. That is his target, OMG.

          • ghezaehagos

            Thanks Yonus,

            Please bear with me and engage me here for a little bit moreas you are evading simple questions. hansab msay xinah:)

            1. I didn’t ask you about UNSC sanctions on Eritrea which are now the laws of Canada. I asked you about UN Special Rapporteur Office on HR-Eritrea. Again please answer this question: since the regime failed to listen to domestic and international calls to free political prisoners would you lobby for putting sanctions on Issais regime because its record of gross violations of human rights?

            2. You deliberately obfuscated the issue of 2% extortion tax in Canada. I will retract that. In the maze of contradictions you are making one after another, this is one is no better. Earlier you said, ” of couse Canadian law takes precedence” over Eritrean position. Now you are saying “Eritrea is a sovereign country and only it can decide what to request of its citizens not the Canadian government.” Pick one, brother. Since you appear to be clueless about the 2% case, please see to it the Canadian government took an issue with it because it contradicts its laws. The campaign that you sadly call dishonest and weirdly attach it to regime-change is actually nothing but to request the Canadian government to implement its own domestic laws which are your own laws. So, what is dishonest about requesting to implement national laws of a nation? Again, you don’t go far enough beyond sound-bites, even I can claim you don’t even fully know what the Eritrean ‘law’ on 2% says. What does it say for those who don’t want or can’t pay? There are provisions to deal with them than the mandatory penalty or refusing consular services. I will leave that to be your homework as you say only ‘Eritrea can decide to request of its citizens.”

            3. “If the the right to change the ways of unresponsive government even by force is illegitimate action for you, then what makes our very REVOLUTION to wage armed struggle legitimate for you? Who gave us the legal mandate to carry arms in the first place as there was ‘no first hand data to judge the performance of our liberation fronts any more legitimate as they were planning to come to power the same way HAILESELLASIE DID come to Eritrea, that is BY FORCE.”

            For that matter what is the legal basis of all liberation movements that we all know that toppled tyrant regimes who came to power by force.”

            4. I think you would be hugely disappointed to learn the activists you mentioned, Elsa and others are actively engaged in numerous activities that you consider them ‘are dirty politics of regime-change.’

            5. Finally, your narrow categorization of HR activism as distinct from politics-free don’t fit in the international human rights activism at all. They certainly don’t fit what Eritreans need at this point. Please back them up with academic scholarship, not your own self-referential statements. I call upon you to define them with academic terms, backed up with practical cases of say South Africa, Burma/ Myanmar, Iraq, Zimbabwe, or any country of your choosing. Otherwise, it will be useless debate devoid of academic merits.

            All the best,

            Ghezae Hagos

          • ALI-S

            Gezae,

            I think you are hilikhegna or confused as I said and your understanding of the issues that you raised is either immature, childish or irrelevant to the point of the debate on alternatives towards a new social order for Eritrea.

            You seem very confused on where you stand on the opposition and what the conception of neutrality actually looks like. The reason you (I mean any Eritrean HR activist as they practice) are running behind political issues and allowing politicians to tell you what to do (essentially Hafash Wudubat), is because you guys have had nothing to offer and want to delude yourselves by inflating zero contributions.

            Your activism is lazy and bankrupt and this is the truth you should confront to convince yourself that an alternative way of doing things is needed. No wonder that in spite of all the big-mouthing there isn’t a single Eritrean who has ever been saved by your activists. Name if you know any?

            Let us start by answering where you personally stand on whether the Eritrean opposition should be used by Ethiopia on its proxy war against Eritrea.

            Where I personally stand on specifics is irrelevant. What matters to you is whether we can cooperate to come up with something that works.

          • ghezaehagos

            Selam Younis,

            If asking you to back up your conflation of HR/politics and their possible contradictions with the current international norms or academic scholarship (rather than predicate them on the laws if Issais regime or self-reference) doesn’t sit well with you, I safely say the problem is yours.

            Have you even noticed that you didn’t even bring a single example from other countries experience or quoted any provision of international law? So, what do you want me do, bro.

            I will skip your outbursts as it happens to all of us.

            I know no one has the monopoly of truth and we are all students of history. Our situation being what it is, I don’t expect you to answer few, let alone all. I would like to learn and I would be happy to work with anyone to see the betterment of our people. That is why I didn’t say much except asking you how you explain academic theories and practices on HR as I would like to know how they fit in your views. Because honestly speaking as I said in the first of today’s posts it was hard following you as it deviates from my knowledge of HR and the knowledge that I think is supported by international human rights defenders and writers. Can we ask for more knowledgeable people than you and me, such as Dan Connell to shed light on this, dear Younis?
            All the best,
            Ghezae Hagos
            ( Parting shot:-you asked if activists save any one? As I said though much more is desired , don’t you think refugee advocates and activists are saving Eritrean lives from harm?

          • ALI-S

            Gezae Brother,

            To start with your last bracket: I admit they are trying their best and they are the best activists that we can every hope for at the level of personal intention. At the level of outcome their activism has so far produced zero. They could not save even people who succeeded in making it to Ethiopian refugee camps.

            What is required not desired is contribution that match the challenge. Ask the same question to any Eritrean and I doubt they will give you a different answer. Where they are failing is in their ability to liberate their activism from the political opposition.

            I am a very pragmatic guy: if it is working it must be good. If the opposition is working, anything tagged to it especially HR and refugee activism would work. The problem is coming because the opposition is dragging the activists down into the dirt where they do not belong.

            I have always added in my articles, that they are not for academic consumption and that they are concepts borrowed and manipulated to fit the search for a workable solution. However, I am well aware of the original interpretations and practices of the concepts I use and in their abstract forms all the concepts do not depart too far from the way I have used them.

            The international HR practice in spite of the rhetoric is a highly politicized arena. Politicized does not mean the issues they raise and the methodologies they practice are political. They are not. Where politics sneaks into the HR regime is in the selection of the issues to be raised and parties to be prosecuted. In most cases it is “using right things for wrong ends”.

            The HR regime is by no means neutral from the politics of the powerful. Big powers (and their HR hound dogs) do not pick abusers out of concern for the victims (with the exception of limited examples if any) the targets are selected based on their distance to the national interests of these powers. My advise is don’t take what they tell you at face value.

            Dan Connell for your information (in the case of Eritrea) is a regime change politician and has nothing to do with HR activism the way I see it. If that is what he thinks he is doing, please tell him I said he is doing more damage than help and ask him to please stay aside and keep the dumb NGOs out of our affairs.

            Gezae, in spite of what I have said, I actually think you are close to the U-Turn because you have started to ask question that I think are irrelevant to where I would like to take this debate to but very substantive to what you seem to want to do in the HR activism. The reason, because you agree with me of these the following critical issues (the backbone of the debate):
            (1) You agree that we should not allow hostile neighbours use our opposition in proxy wars against the state of Eritrea
            (2) You agree that controversial politics should stay away from the HR advocacy agenda. How did I know that? Because your primary obsession in the posts is to deny the allegation of politicization from our HR activism by arguing that what looks to me (Ali) politics is actually not politics in the sense practiced by our opposition politicians, it just part of the international HR regime.
            (3) You maintain the right to use the international HR infrastructure to intervene in protecting victims in Eritrea.

            If I got you wrong, please correct. Our only difference is on how to do that.

            My approach is blunt and direct – chase these manipulators out of the opposition by opening their books, banning their taboos and challenging flawed arguments.

            Your approach is to accept what we have as given and just work harder and drive faster on the same highway that hasn’t produced much in a quarter of a century.

            Trust the third way my friend and join the U-Turn. You don’t have to agree with us on anything more than the three points above. If we end up in our destination before you do, we will of course make you pay your 2% bill.

            One thing that you and all must remember is that thanks to the empty-headed opposition, we have wasted too much time not because we should have worked harder but because we were heading the wrong way.

            I don’t know how on earth someone would not be ashamed to say the opposition is just fine and all they need is foot soldiers to back their plans.

          • tes

            Dear brother Ali-S

            let me make clear against your hollow allegations.

            1. Eritrea is a sovereign nation and all areas within current Eritrea are not of question. How it happened let it be for history, but I accept the new virtual demarcated Eritrean boundary to be my limit.

            2. As a country and citizen of a country, outside forces are secondary to me. I can not jump to Woyane or else when I did not finish my assignment at home. Therefore, woyane or Ethiopia in general is like Sudan, Yemen, Djibbouti to me. As much I respect those, I respect Ethiopia too. No greater no less. I do not believe on proxy war, nor do I believe as a spring board.

            3. I believe any force that overthrows the whole system of pfdj regime as a legitimate force and the next chance, let it be 50-50 as SG outlined it, bette than 100% dictatorship. And I am hoping and I am taking my part to have a bright Democratic Eritrea. One thing that I feel comfort is, I am not FEAR phobia.I believe and I do it.

            4. Had Eritrea followed respected human rights, I could not even knew the existence of diaspora opposition groups, least I could have concluded the factions during the armed struggle. But, how PFDJ continued to dictate Eritrea made me to think what made all the factions and I now strongly believe that what happened during the 30 years war was because of EPLF’s ill agenda. And I totally reject their ideologies, policies, strategies and programs.

            5. My base is social, political and economical, in which human rights belong to the social aspect. In fact, had the politicalline was fine, the later two could be fine too. But in pfdj, none of them was according to Eritrean dream.

            6. I do not need a U-turn, but I do need a strong Eritrean wave to over throw the government be it inside or outside, when I say outside, keep in your mind, an Eritrean force that comes from anywhere on this planet.

            7. I do not accept, by all means, any foreign intervention. We, as Eritreans are capable enough to solve our own problems. But, this does not mean that we do not need a pass. For example, I consider the internet is as equal as using Ethiopia as a base ground.if they closed. We use IT to raise public awareness and finally we need a path and all is accepted.

            8. PFDJ’s economic ideology is of slavery in nature, collectivisim, socialism, JUCHE (of that of North Korea), ( (I wish awate will accept my reflection article on Juche for publication), Dictatorship, one-man centered and against growth. Hence, it is totally fatal to see such after 30 years of bloody war.

            9. Eritreans have a dream, and so is every individual, and I need a country that fulfills this dream to come true, the land of opportunity, not the land of directives.

            10. What I look for the coming Eritrea is a good manager, not a good leader. because I believe every Eritrean is good leader. I hope it is clear what I mean between a manager and a leader.

            Therefore, coming back to your U-turn, I am not bluntly opposing from social point of view, but from all dimensions of PFDJ atmosphere.

            With all due respect ALi-S.

          • ghezaehagos

            Selam Younis,
            I hope you don’t mind another go just to clear stances.
            1. I support sanctions on Issais regime preferably on HR grounds. Anyone who doesn’t support sanctions on HR grounds wants to continue misery of Eritreans under the possibly lunatic leader (unless they don’t support sanctions in principle at all times). However, sanctions by themselves are not enough; they are meant to be tools to fight the regime and give latitude for internal democratic forces to emerge and change things. As long as you support the sanctions, I think we can have common ground.
            2. I will hear you, brother and read you. But please don’t make up untested hypothesis as you go along; and get testy when asked where-do-you-get-this. Follow academic scholarship, contrast them with practices and tell us how they would benefit our struggle. Kab jubaka aytewixee. Your HR view is an exercise in Aryanism; a purist, untainted HR practice devoid of political (mind you it is politics that brought us here; and the environment we will operate will always have political dimension) setting is impractical despite your claim to be ‘very pragmatic guy.’
            3. I am sorry but calling for respect of HR in and sanctioning the Issaias regime doesn’t mean regime-change. It means what it says: that is free political prisoners; implement constitution and call for democratic elections….If these normal demands heard across the globe are translated as undesirable or dishonest campaigns for regime-change, I think you are the misfit for the times and poster-boy for Issais regime.
            In other words, instead of Third Way, Try Third Wave.
            All the best,
            Ghezae

          • Semere Andom

            Younis has a point. Forget the flourishes of the Declaration of Independence borrowed from USA. Ours, Eritrea has its own Declaration of Independence, in June 1991, when our Washington and Jefferson-we bought one and we got two unlike the USA, he declared that there is no more hashewiye of ideas, this is the self-evident truth that must be read as bedtime story to every child born or unborn, but Ghezae do not read it to LowHat, it may have unintended interactions with the Canadian charter of rights:-)

            So we have to hear our own Younis, who after hiding from our two in one demi-god in the belly of Madiba is rightly pissed off when the Eritrean people decides to take away the shade they nurtured for him to repose. But back to his point, based on our own Declaration of independence, the G-15 are wrong, how they dare question the two in one that we were blessed with. Think about it, no nation on this earth got a Washington and a Jefferson in one.

            One caveat: the laws of this two in one man nation also postulate that you are not supposed to hide in the belly of Mandela on the expense of the nation’s coffers and then flee as far away as you can from the nation that invested on your education to serve it, it was illegal not to follow the rule of return: to return to accomplish the grad macro-economic plan that your country has selected you for, to be its prophet Younis and enlighten and preach to the unappreciative citizenry how they got it good. So he has a point although he deserted, run away now he realizes that the prophet after which he was named could not run from God, an epiphany of sorts so he is doing the right thing, better late than never. Haile actually realized what I realized today and that made Younis testy.

            For these reasons he has a point.

            Sem

          • haile

            Selamat Ghezae,

            What an impressive rebuttals BTW!!

            IMO, Ali-S’ mixed up message is partly due to his manifest efforts to fit reality into his own conjectures rather than attempting to make the latter as close reflection of the prevailing reality.

            When we talk of HR, it is a wide field. If you are dealing with FGM for example, it is apolitical (unless one can formulate an indirect causation). As you know we have the economic, political, social and cultural rights that the UDHR can be referenced as a basic framework (not the final by any means). Political rights are about political activism, pure and simple. According to Ali-S, there must exist a non-political way of campaigning for political rights.

            I have two theories as to Ali-S’ inability to make a coherent case to get his points accross:

            1 – He has no knowledge of the Eritrean opposition and justice seeking community (despite his claim of being a member of every group for at least a week)

            2 – There is something that he wants to get at, yet somewhat too uncertain or lacks courage to come right out and say it. Hence he chose the indirect way of defending a regime that has long abandoned defending itself (the IA regime defends EPLF not PFDJ nowadays!!).

            His question about woyane is preposterous to say the least. We are a proud people and not as tacky and cheap as PFDJ. If we have a case to make against the Woyane, we’ll make it with our heads up and as people of honest and firm stand. We are not for sale, not to cheap PFDJ trash at that.

            My question to you, Gheza, is that wouldn’t it be correct to consider UDHR is essentially a legal (within the circle of signatories) instrument to narrow the gap between the Law and Human Rights (I believe they both serve different objectives at times)? And, once the shifta regime is gone and democratic institutions start to flourish in Eritrea, would Ali-S’ current argument be valid (i.e. is Ali-S saying the right thing at the wrong time and context?).

            Regards

          • ghezaehagos

            Hello Haile and Semere,

            First off: Semere, a biting analogy with Prophet Younis. Impressive command of the language and craft.

            Haile, I appreciate your input and coming from you means more. UDHR is indeed essentially legal instrument that has been crystallized now as international law or norms. Complemented with the other instruments, they constitute accepted expectations on civilized nations. “The UDHR, together with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its two Optional Protocols, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, form the so – called International Bill of Human Rights.”

            http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/internationallaw.aspx

            Haw Younis Hossien Omer may have good points in domestic human rights activism. His parameters are confined within democratic nations where local HR groups are expected not to be involved in political activity since they are non-political, non-profit organizations. Incidentally, I hope he takes pro-regime satellite community groups to task on this requirement. As you aptly put it, in free and democratic Eritrea his views would be valid.
            I am personally not enthused in politics per se as practiced in the West though I have huge admiration of the western civilization. I would stick to my amateur passion of writing, cinema and the whole arts things…Had it not been for this damned Issaias.
            All the best,
            Ghezae Hagos

          • ALI-S

            Gezae,

            I think you are a bit too young for politics and we will need your help as we go so I will only give you some advise and keep you in good terms.

            You better read again and memorize the concepts in the articles you mentioned. They will be around with us and they will guide an emerging movement. They are the things that you professor was trying to explain to you when you were cramming your way through exams in college. You better hit the books again and there is no rush this time.

            Dr. Berekhet’s constitution that you are promoting is by the way the one that glorified the national service that has led into all the miseries that you are trying to deal with.

            If you had done your homework well and you cared for the people that were crushed because of the twisted ideas that were sold on your constitution, you would have been the first one to shred and torch it before the President thankfully did it for you.

            Tell me about human rights!

          • Saleh Johar

            Yonus,

            And when it come to the constitution, I happily find you speaking my language. At least you paid me handsomely on this one.

          • ALI-S

            SG,

            I know we are all on the same boat. All we need to do is convince people that we have a valid case for an effective movement for change. And we need to take off the menu battles and associations that add nothing than complicating a legitimate cause by scaring the real stakeholders away.

            You may not agree with me, but the whole idea here is to prove that the Weyane are irrelevant to the cause of opposition in Eritrea and have contributed zero in material support and caused us to waste decades and lose decisive credibility.

          • haile

            Wey gud!

            Awatista (just a general observation here…)

            Woyane caused us to lose decades!

            Woyane caused the PFDJ from re-creating African Singapore!

            Woyane caused ELF to cease the armed struggle!

            Woyane caused sanction, economic melt down, mass migration, global isolation…

            Woyane caused those who fought for independence to go in history as the worst evil tormentors of the Eritrean people..

            Woyane made IA a dictator

            Woyane is causing the rains to fail, the supporters to be irresponsible….

            zgerm eko eyu…harbeNawi weyanay zeygebro zeyblu….If any help to woyane, I will try to watch where I am going, else woyane may be to blame if I happen to be an Eritrean and stumble while walking…

          • ALI-S

            Haile,

            In case you have doubts as to what we – Eritreans – think of Weyane, memorize this:

            Weyane is a stenotype of evil institutionalized into a monster. You will never get an Eritrean who has ever trusted them and we wouldn’t even if we saw them walking out of heaven with a message of a U-Turn from what our grandparents used to tell us.

          • haile

            My Dear Ali-S

            Let me be the good natured that I am to put the following out for your attention. ኣነ ኣብ ልዕሊ ምድሪ ከለኹ፡ ኤርትራዊ መንነተይ ብኣኻን ወዲ ኸማኻን ኣብ ምልክት ሕቶ ዝኣቱ ሰብ ኣይኮንኩን። ንህዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራ ልዕሊ ዝተወሃበኒ ዝሃብኩ’የ እንተበልኩ’ውን ሕልናይ ዘሰክፈኒ ነገር የለን። ኣነ ገንዘብ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣቋስየ ዝሃደምኩ ጥራይ ዘይኮንኩ፡ ተመሊሰ’ውን ይቕረ ዘይበሃሎ ዓሌታዊ ፋሽዝም ከነሃህር ዝተደናደንኩ ከዳዕን በዳዕን ኣሉ ንኣመሉ ኣይኮንኩን። መንነተይ ትማሊ ኢትኒክ ፋሽሽት ኢልካ ትፋእካ ዝመለስካሉ፡ ንዓይ ግን ዝሕበነሉ ዝውንንኖን ዝነብረሉን እዩ። በዓል ንስኻ መዓስ ትበርቁ መዓስ ትዓርቡ ኣንዳዕዲዔ ዝፈልጥ፡ ኣብ ግንጋር ዝውቃዕ እምበር ለኽባጥ ተገላባጢ፡ ጠላም ዘይናቱ መልመጺ ከምዘይኮንኩ ተረዳእ። So that we maintain a civilized engagement, you better knock off your mute insinuations of my identity, else you’ll be a fair game and get what you deserve.

            HAILE

          • ALI-S

            Haile,

            My browser is not reading Tigrigna for some reason. But on the english part: so you are not Eritrean? How would I know when I see you defending the opposition and dying to push a hard sell?

            My apologies but please stay out of our mess and let us do the housekeeping first.

          • ghezaehagos

            Haderka Haw Younis,

            So, you want to happily shred the 1997 Constitution! Interesting! Watching your meandering ways, I was honestly expecting, you would sell it as one of the good intentions of the regime. I am sure I wouldn’t be the only one.

            As usual, just to correct your facts; the national service slavery (which you previously you touted as national obligation and absconding from it is a felony, though again you don’t seem to remember or to care what your previous statements say) was proclaimed in 1992 and started in July 1994, while the constitution you mock and belittle was ratified in May 1997. By that time 7 rounds were recruited about, 100,000 thousaand. So, how an earth the constitution has got to do with the national service? There are a lot of provisions one take an issue with in the ratified constitution but the National service issue may not be one of them.

            On the silver-lining, at least your view on the 1997 constitution is similar with Amanuel Hidrat, Saleh Gadi and I guess Semere (this time) Semere Andom.

            here is a campaign against the national service/ slavery.

            http://stopslaveryineritrea.com/aboutus.html

            All the best,
            Ghezae Hagos

            On doing one’s Home-works, I would be dying to know your eye witness testimony what transpired in 1998-2000 in the (MOFA) Eritrean foreign affairs. As a top diplomat, you may look back and share with us mostly how we ( I mean you guys) botched the peace negotiations that ended up accepting the same terms we rejected in the Ruwanda-American initiative. I am sure it would be a great read.

        • ALI-S

          Gezae,

          In this post excuse me for saying that but you are not saying anything other than being rhetorical. It sounds more like “hlkhegna” than an opinion and I don’t have the energy any more.

          I will skip it and respond only I feel you are communicating

          • ghezaehagos

            Selam Younis,

            I don’t want to sound ‘hlkegna’; I just see that you are skirting blunt answers; ironically, like a politician:)

            1. ” I didn’t ask you about UNSC sanctions on Eritrea which are now the laws of Canada. I asked you about UN Special Rapporteur Office on HR-Eritrea. Again please answer this question: since the regime failed to listen to domestic and international calls to free political prisoners would you lobby for putting sanctions on Issais regime because its record of gross violations of human rights?”
            2. If coming by force to power is the ultimate test of illegitimacy, isn’t that the same of our liberation struggle and that of many governments, Starting from American in late 18 century to most of the Arab spring cases?
            All the best,
            Ghezae Hagos
            (BTW: I tell you things have changed in the years you stopped coming to opposition meetings. Turnouts of supporters of the Isaias regime have dwindled (‘festivals’ are not measurements of support) while deleyti-fithi are marking new territory, though we have far to go. I seriously invite you to see it with your own eyes come May 17 weekend in Edmonton. Wedi Vacaro. I hope I will see you there…

    • Semere Andom

      Gadi:

      A blunt for a blunt. Good.

      Younis is like those we deal was daily here, those who come to my country Canada and seek asylum by bad mouthing PFDJ and receive the PR under an assumed name, then when we demonstrate they take our pictures and show us their middle fingers, edom tqertsh. And last summer, a guy like Younis did that and one of the justice seekers had enough and reported him to the immigration officers, now the guy is crying like a baby, calling people and begging. Most likely will be deported.

      Ali Salim apologized to awate for calling it an extremist now he called all the Tegadalti and their agenda belongs to Woyane, this is more than provocation, this is betrayal, insult, derqega and serving the only enemy of the Eritrean people by following in the steps of the PFDJ vulgarity that you heard for many years. While everyone is jumping off from the PFDJ wagon our friend is hitch-hiking on. Alahuma yerhamu; Alfatha

      He insults, people and fighters and whole Eritrean people beyond his comprehension. Because he was steeped in the PFDJ culture and he learned Tigirna that he proudly season his articles with it, does not entitle him to insult HR activists and everyone and his kind are people who give humanity bad name. The people he insulted by lifting words from the play book of PFDJ were freedom fighters when he was been fattened with “felafel” and “Ful mzebet and mdemse” in Sudan and enjoying his “haga” barda, yes at a time when Ali Salim was denying his identity as Eritrean when the Sudanese police rounded Eritreans and he used his Muslim name to get freed, yes when he called kebessa Eritrean “habesh rebesh”, those who belong to the Woyane were fighting for his return to Eritrea. And return, he did, but not many of this brethren, who are still in the refugee camp.

      Truth be told, I am also lifting from PFDJ play book as well 😉

      Semere

  • tes

    Ali-S,

    You wrote, “The reason you did it was for the wrong reason, to chock the PFDJ.”

    You are putting your first way here. All PFDJ’s actions are good intentions.

    and in the other hand,

    Gezae wrote, “As former diplomat you know the money collected are used to enrich the
    coffers of the regime that knows no financial transparency.”

    Gezae was so honest to say it politically. He put the transparency issue and where does this money goes?

    This is a clear cut line and that fully exposes who you are. Gezae did not even said, it is not Eritrean citizen responsibility. He is asking about the end use. the transparency of financial circulation. How can you boldly try to propose ways by assuming everything is ok. If that is so, go to MEDREK people and just declare, DIA will not be in any power. That is your way. MEDREK’s ill-intention lies in your third way. Just to keep all the ideologies, structures, policies and comrades of PFDJ as it is, but, just making DIA out of office.

    I strongly oppose MEDREK initiative, not only because they are just with their failed aprograms, but with bad intentions. They want to restore PFDJ’s power as that of 2001. 2001 is an end of PFDJ, but what makes him to be ended so early is because of his hidden secret anti-democratic charter of 1994, in fact, it can be traced back to 1970. For this I said because we can easily see who are in power currently. And, by coincidence, you joined PDFJ un 1994 as an elite and you left in 2001 for good, let it be as an exile. And now you want to come back to the highdays of PFDJ and restore it back.

    No, no, no.

    We do not want that. Human catastrophe in Eritrea started in 1973, just with the Menkae movement and later reached its peak during the civil war. And now, is the cumulative. Hope you know what a cummulative sum is in statistics.

    Kindly please, we are enough with kind of doctrines, keeping the masses ignorant. We, personally, I, are enough with this. Human rights advocates are strong testimonies for what a politics is. And you could trace why PFDJ shut all NGO’s. It is easy, because they expose the human situation in the ground, {do not say, that they are main agents of foreign interest, oh yes, expected, as romantizer of PFDJ, sure you will not have now patience to complete my saying] and so do I. Your three series are more than enough to kill your bad intentions, as that of MEDREK people.

    For fun, have a good time with this PFDJ’s worshippers mind set.

    Tes

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9HmEAjBkLE&hd=1

  • Saba

    To brother Serray and sister Hayat and other YGs et al,
    You do not like ghedili and its result. Now i have enough knowledge that you do not like it. But can you
    tell us please what is your solution? Do you want to take Eritrea and hang it to Ethiopia to give its older beauty, now that it does not have head and most Ethiopians like it with its head, just check their ethio maps at home. You will not get the older beauty If lowlanders cut it with that sharp scissor so that must have made you worried:)

    • Serray

      Selam Saba,

      When someone tells you are in bad situation, they are not asking you to marry your ex-husband. For one thing, the ex wouldn’t touch you even if you beg him. He has tasted life without you and he is loving it.

      Take the criticism of ghedli for what it is. Looking at the monsters it created; looking at the hell on earth we call eritrea; looking at its similarities to medda, what we are saying is, there is value system of ghedli that has found its way in asmera and it has to stop or everything you guys worship will be undone completely in a horrible way.

      If you take only one thing from me, take this…the ethiopians don’t want you and it is embarrassing to see people like you act as if they do.

      • Saba

        Hi Serray, you still did not answer the question. I know you do not like ghedili(i hope you will not explain it to me again in your next reply) but after divorce what is that you want? If you do not want your Ex and you do not like the “neo-Andnets”, what is next? I hope you do not suggest power vaccum. Some segment of ethipians never wanted us may be starting from Menelik II, but all of them want Aseb:)

  • Ermias

    Last year, my vote for Awatista of the year was Haile, hands down. This year, Dawit might to be running away with it but with Saba a close second.

    • Saba

      Hi Ermias, i am honored to be second in line but i do not deserve it, as we have here better writers/cartoonist. I want to contribute to shape their ideas. my role is like john the baptist:)

      • Ermias

        Sabi haftey, it is not the heavy weight politicians that usually bring about any change. It is the people like yourself and Dawit that come up with ground breaking ideas. Nitricc was a visionary but unfortunately for the wrong cause. I hope I didn’t contribute to his eventual demise. I wrote a lot about him, specially two pieces titled “The Curious Case of Nitricc.” Nobody read those but they were masterpieces by my standards. Creative writing would suit me better than this ugly and messy Eritriean politics. Can you imagine how many books SAAY would have written by now if he didn’t spend too much time here? Oh by the way, I think he is in a sabbatical secretly. Last time he disappeared for a while, I jokingly said that he went back to Eritrea wearing a face mask, someone exploded on me saying that it was the likes of me who are feeding this beast and reporting innocent people to Eritrean authorities. After that, I don’t make jokes like that. I think I just did.
        If Eritrea was, say, Singapore (too wishful), I would never have found this website and I would be living happily not that this website makes me sad but Eritrean current state of affairs.

        Anyway, I have been glancing over the debates between Ali-S, Gezae, both Semere’s, Gadi etc. Nothing new to me. What Dawit is doing and what you have been saying are new to me.
        So now, in your U-Turn computing algorithm I have made it to Stage 1? That is rather abrupt. Where is the point of no return? Perhaps I need to bring this evolution of me to a griding halt before I find myself in a PFDJ sponsored wegah tibel leyti.

        • ALI-S

          Ermias,

          Thank you for taking the initiative to find out the diagnosis in your case. I am hereby referring you to Saba Clinic where she will check your vitals, take some x-rays and write a prescription. Th clinic is open for business as of today.

          Dr. Saba, please go ahead. Thanks

          • Saba

            Lol, for that matter the whole awatistas should be in my clinic, except you, and i would be very very busy:) Lol
            Some need only infusion, like Ermias in stage 1. But people in stage 0 (most awatistas are in the first way or in the second way), need to be in intensive care unit. Their neural circuit is so hard wired with the first way or the second way that i would be there busy untangling them(imagine answering question after question), but at least i got a colleague in you that will do most of the work:) Today your posts were great, about the third way, about the separation of HR activists from politicians. Keep doing the good work and debating!

          • Ermias

            Ali-S, thank you for your plea. I have decided to come back to complete my U-Turn treatment as my prognosis doesn’t look bad compared to the rest of the people here.

        • Saba

          Hi brother Ermias, i was laughing about your last sentence, do you feel like you were going back to the “Dimu Dimu” time and wegah tibel leyti? 🙂 I appreciate for your humble posts about yourself and others, being honest is precious. I think SAAY would be prolific writer but everybody has to face Eritrean politics, as our struggle for freedom has been long and not completed. I think there other excellent writers too in awate team.
          I have not got chance to know Nitric but he has left marks in this website. Me too i believe that ideas come from few people in the crowd who where following the flow and suddenly those few people or that person can change the direction and guide the whole crowd.
          About U-turn, assume that you have two streets(The first way and the second way) that take you to hell. And then assume that there is a third street(the third way) that takes you to heaven. Now if want to go to heaven you have to make a U-turn from your street(the first way or the second way) and join the third street(the third way). So there are 5 stages in the U-turn that you pass as you go from the first or second street to the third street. The details of the third way is open for discussion. The point of no return is that you stay forever in the first or second street until you go to hell:) You see i have cartoonist picture about this in my mind and if i were a good cartoonist i would have shown you, so here Haile and Dawit can intervene.
          The common thing about me and Ali-S is that we reject the first way and the second way. Our difference is that my third way is very far from the first way, i do not want the two lanes(the first and the third ways) to be close each other:)

          • ALI-S

            Hey Saba,

            We are actually on the same third way.

            Since the opposition (second way) has reduced our cause in the struggle for change to a power struggle between the two empty ways, the silent majority have no stake on the fight.

            We should not accept an opposition core of a handful operatives that fits into a closet to create an illusion and make up for the lack of popular support by hiring Weyane to do the job and waiting for a ride. They need to get off the ride and start walking the walk because short cuts are not allowed.

            I will let you specify the details of the third way in the Clinic. The call is for a movement within which specific choice activism may take place. It is not a call for a specific organizations.

          • Saba

            Yes we are in the third way! I have rejected the first and the second way. But the details of the third way is up for discussion, in my clinic:) Do you like my amateur cartoon?:). In addition to the text version i have posted in the previous one, I thought it might give an idea to many of those people who are confused about the third way.

            About the empty opposition and the silent majority, it is interesting that yesterday i had similar views in my post to SJ. Here is some of it:
            “I think our difference is in the type of opposition. For me the current opposition is not better than pfdj. As i was explaining to Ermias in the above my post about the two different streets that takes you to hell(in Ali-S language, the first and the second ways), pfdj and the opposition are branches of the same tree, the bad one. So my expectation from the opposition is for worse and i am not rooting for another 23 yrs of destruction. This time we have to get it right. If we come with a correct “third way”, people will rally on it and if a
            critical mass is reached, pfdj will surrender. Most people in the “silent majority” are waiting for guidance. People in the silent majority are not all opportunistic, most they do not know how. Not everybody can be a guide. In a party or guyla, there is always that “wenam” that starts the dance in the right time and then the crown will follow.”

  • Semere Andom

    Awatista, well let me elaborate, I mean the Democracy and Justice seeking Awatistas:

    “The truth that we all know is: they cannot say a word because they have nothing to offer. Not because they are not capable but because the regime change agenda is not an Eritrean agenda. I hate to be blunt but the agenda and the mainstream opposition belong to Weyane.”

    These are the words from Sheikna Alis Salim to brother tegadali Semere Tesfay

    Now tell me, do you have any doubt that Alis Salim is not working for the Agenda of PFDJ in his series articles under the theme of: The Gospel according Ali Salim, AKA Younis Hossien. Does anyone have doubt now? It makes sense now. He wrote under a penname when he was an opposition and now he writes under his real name to tell the world and PFDJ that the man behind the Ali Salim has indeed made a U-Turn. Not only that he writes under his real name, he reveals that he was indeed the former Ali Salim, when the “Sheitan” put doubt in his mind about the omnipotence of PFDJ and then he drank from the forbidden water of bigotry, it was not “zemem”, it wa “hanzel” to call PFDJ and their enforcers the “kebessa”, the Nazis. Now he has profusely repented by telling us that PFDJ is really the only power trying to solve the problems and that it allows activism in the framework of the national security. Brialian! This is poetry from the times of Al-Jahliya to the ears of PFDJ. Beautiful

    “The Agenda and the mainstream Eritrean opposition is the Woyane Agenda”, agenaE habromay! How about the agenda and the small creeks that feed the mainstream? Does it belong to USA, CIA, Say is Mowlana. In this an assuming 2 and half lines of assertion we find the insult to all Eritrean people, because Eritrean people are the mainstream opposition.. It is not even the agenda of the mainstream, it is both the agenda and the people.

    AT team always responded to allegations that they do not publish articles from PFDJ suppers with: Awate.com is for the voiceless, the supporters have their voices on Shabait, shaebia and Yelenalkin, but now since awate is hosting Alis salim,who is poking the eyes of the Eritrean people in an equal magnitude to the supporters of PFDJ, hosting SofiaTesfamriam would be good idea, so we can diversify our intesne discussion in this micro-world of future Eritrea that will host extreme opposing ideas for the betterment of our country that is under the custody of a regime that cares of its security and the welfare of its citizens, the mainstream opposition, even if the agenda and those citizens belong to Woyane.

    Two weeks ago, I went to an opposition meeting and as usual, I was tardy, one beautiful kebesa girl in zuria ushered me to the middle of the row, where many of the mainstream opposition were already snoring and when I sat I immediately snoozed and I had this weirdest dream, I am counting on my brothers and sisters in this forum to help me interpreter it (hlmi fetahti.).Here was my dream: a man with blotted stomach and thick moustache handed me a red bag, he did not say anything, and I was curious and hastily opened the bag to find a golden a handcuff. When I was still in shock at the sight of the golden handcuff as I have never seen one made of gold, before I was over with the shock the man with the thick moustache approached me and whispered cryptically, “do not be afraid of the handcuffs, do not be afraid, just read the fine print” and he disappeared Before I could find the fine prints, Bir enteblekus hilmi. The beautiful lady with the zuria snickered at my bewilderment. I gave her a look, she reminded of the Warsayit I left behind.

    I have my own theories about this dream, but I need some help from the awatistas, especially from Mowlana Ali Salim as Sudanese say the person who has experienced the diseases knows better than the doctor 🙂

    Thanks
    Sem Andom

    • ALI-S

      Sem,

      I told you – stay away from the snoring opposition for a week and you will get it (:-). But since you have already reached a stage where you are aware that there is snoring, you are half way to the U-Turn. That is what happened to me.

      I am laying my proposals but am of course open for suggestions if you agree with me on one point: regime change agenda and an opposition agenda are two different things. Regime change advocates represent themselves and themselves only. You are smart enough to ask why opposition meetings can fit in a coffee shop while PFDJ meeting are essentially crowds.

      Your assumption would probably be that all those people that we see in these opposition meetings and celebrations are dumb and insensitive or they are supporters of the PFDJ as a political party (or group).

      Some news for you: they are actually very honourable people who know about what is going on in Eritrea more than you do. They haven’t said a word yet because there has so far been no genuine Eritrean opposition paradigm. If you think Eritreans will just be pushed around and orchestrated by Ethiopian intelligence operatives and dubious agendas that have nothing to do with their daily lives, think twice my friend.

  • ghezaehagos

    Selam Younis,

    It has been quite hard for me to follow where you are going with your articles. By conflating politics and human rights, you are adding further confusion to the discourse though we repeatedly ask you to starkly list the activities you consider HR and ‘dirty’ politics and then possibly ‘clean’ politics. Without clear delineation (mind you, it is you who wanted to), dear Younis you will run the risk of further ambiguity and confusion. If you consider posting and commenting on refugees is playing politics, I think you way off the mark.

    One thing is for sure: I don’t think you understand or accept human rights activism as practiced by dissidents in international scene who are persecuted by tyrant regimes for pointing out transgressions of not just the law but basic decency. By relegating human rights issues to states, you are not churning academically unbalanced articles, you are running against the current praxis of contemporary activism. Hence you are stabbing at the heart of our cause, the cause you claim to espouse. You are categorically rejecting the most accepted international human rights norms; the 1947 UDHR. You are denying the moral urgency of struggles waged by the unfortunate citizens who were denied the least opportunity to set foot in their ancestral land ( I can’t believe I am repeating this to you of all people, dear Younis) and hence forced to dedicate their meagre resources and time to the cause of HR (such as the Apartheid struggles of South Africa, Burma/ Myanmar, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Chile etc…) Since pursuant to the laws enacted by the governments of these nations, the dissidents are traitors and their causes as politically motivated attacks by foreign enemies. sadly, YOU do consider them as such. There are no immoral laws for you. Do you see how far you (or your U-turn) swivelled from History, from common sense?

    To quote Mr. Matas: “Human rights belong to individuals, not states. Leave human rights to states and human rights will wither. Individuals must assert human rights to keep those rights alive…Crimes against humanity are crimes against us all. When crimes against humanity are committed, we are all victims. We must not be silent in the face of our own victimization, when part of our human family suffers from grave abuses.”

    http://www.asmarino.com/articles/1208-combating-human-rights-violations-in-Eritrea

    Again, even if we are going to be all cute about state laws per se, we can look into the laws of Eritrea; forget the constitution; but I am talking about the laws of civil and criminal codes and their procedures. We can validly invalidate the legitimacy of the current regime as the provisional proclamation of 1991 and transitional ones at best gave it the right to govern until May 1997-1998; and it has stayed illegally after that without even declaring state of emergency. There is no public mandate legally given to it the current regime, even by its own standards.

    Again, I would ask you:

    A. Please delineate activities you dub HR and ‘dirty’ politics and what are politics proper or ‘clean’ politics. You keep on stopping after saying mentioning refugees or posting their pictures is ‘dirty politics’ without telling us what makes it ‘dirty’ politics to remember victims.

    B. You mentioned 2% extortion tax and dual citizens had to pay. As fellow Eritrean-Canadian, I would expect you to applaud the action of Canadian government as you very well know how much this 2% charade has victimized our communities and poor Eritreans in Canada that are being bullied by agents and diplomats like Semere. As former diplomat you know the money collected are used to enrich the coffers of the regime that knows no financial transparency. At least, I expect you to nuance it by arguing if a practice is banned by one country (say Canada) and is ‘legal’ in Eritrea, which ‘law’ take precedence?

    C. I personally wouldn’t take the academic value of your articles any seriously unless you test them through academic works of international human rights of the contemporary era. As of now, yours is stuck in the late 19 century of legal positivism based on supremacy of states.

    C. I would like to know if you support putting sanction on Issaias regime based on HR violations as is the final objective the Special Rapportuer office? My guess is you don’t; but I would like to hear it from you, dear Younis. You can’t praise Elsa Chyrum and activists while denouncing the very source of their HR activities. Please be clear in your stand. Hence would you lobby to put sanctions on Eritrea on HR cause?

    I wait for your answers.

    All the best,

    Ghezae Hagos

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Hey Ghezae,

      Tough questions need tough answers. I don’t think Younis will answer these tough questions, while he is in a contradictory positions. After all he gave you a hint last time in his response, that your Prosecutorial questions doesn’t give him room wobble. Am I not right Ghezae?

    • Semere Andom

      Brother Ghezae:
      Are you serious? A person who is saying the agenda and the people who are opposing the PFDJ belong to Woyane,you know what he saying he is saying Ahmed Nassir belong to Woyanes, there is no scholarship in this one.
      I have a request from you: I know that lawyers write the closing statmetns of their opponent and then write their own in response to that one, so please write Younis’s response to you and you will get it right 🙂

      thanks
      Sem

    • tes

      Gezae, you have the sharp mind to say it. His politics is not different from what his father’s doctrinate him since his return to Eritrea from Sudan in 1994 till hel left Eritrea for good. All his turn is just coming back to PFDJ strategy and ignore what is actually happening to HR’s. This is purely top-down politics, a totatlitarian system, where individuals are lashed away for the sake of national security. Actually, he forgot, sum of individuals is what we call the “Society.” Not a big surprise actually from such kind of mind attitude.

      Politics without base is a doctrine from above. Ali-S, please watch two or three interviews of [god] DIA, for his followers [god], and you will see how boldly speaks from his supposed intentions, the THIRD WAY.

      If human rights are all good, then, everything is good!

      HR is basic for all. Go to the initial concept of marxism, go to socialism. All base their argument on HRs, but all they end is baseless doctrination.

      Gezae, if he is willing to give you the answers for all what you asked for, then, no need for him to write any further article and Amanuelcould write his opinion.

      But, Dawit has said it all, justing closing one U-turn and opening another U-turn does not make a difference, unless it is a jerked pedal.

      Ali-S, as a politician (?), I would kindly wait you to be very Democratic, as democracy is simply, from people, of the people, from the people. Simple. If we ignore the people and write as a bold politician, then, the end justifies the means.

    • ALI-S

      Hi Gezae,

      All your points are correct. I fully agree with all that you have said. Where you are wrong is in the assumption that human rights concerns can be aggregated in ways that policies of a political (controversial) nature may be able to resolve them.

      Let us agree on one rule of thumb to delineate the boundary between what aspects of people’s lives fall within the domain of politicians and what falls within the reach of human rights activists: all political concerns are controversial by nature (due to the conflicting interests embedded in their advocacy) – and all human rights concerns are not (must not be) be controversial because they are interest-neutral by nature of rational humans. The only way you would violate a persons human right is if you are mean.

      For any activism to develop into a mechanism that can deliver on protecting these interest-neutral human rights it must be carried in an apolitical space that is clean of politics (i.e. controversies). That is partly why all human rights and refugee organizations demand that all those who represent them do not have political affiliations that impact their performance and raise questions towards their neutrality.

      Check if you agree with this famous quote by Eleanor Roosevelt that I think answers your concerns:

      “Where, after all, do universal human rights begin? In small places, close to home – so close and so small that they cannot be seen on any maps of the world. Yet they are the world of the individual person; the neighborhood he lives in; the school or college he attends; the factory, farm, or office where he works. Such are the places where every man, woman, and child seeks equal justice, equal opportunity, equal dignity without discrimination. Unless these rights have meaning there, they have little meaning anywhere. Without concerted citizen action to uphold them close to home, we shall look in vain for progress in the larger world.”

      The last sentence I would modify as “unless our activism has meaning there, they have little meaning anywhere.”

      Canadian immigrations officers do not just go to a refugee camp and declare everyone as meeting the qualification of persecution because these concepts do not apply to collectives except under specific situations such as genocide, ethnic cleansing and others specified as legitimate justifications for international responsibility to protect (R2P). The officers interview each and every claimant to see if he/she was personally persecuted to the extent required by their standards. This is because claims of persecution apply to specific individual not to a profile of similarly situated individuals.

      My goal is not to limit but to expand the scope of our advocacy and the menu of the Eritrean human rights agenda. If Eritrean human rights activists chose the easy way of finding excuse to run away from the challenges by tagging their destiny with the destiny of the political opposition and wait for the magic bullet of regime change to solve everything, they are not serious.

      Human rights violations happen because of bad laws. Laws happen because they represent the interests of social order of the powerful. If you are dealing, as Eleanor said, with the victims close to what matters to them today and don’t really care about whether you will have more victims flowing into the system, what you are doing is pure human rights advocacy. If you think the solution is to change the laws that cause these violations with the primary focus to prevent potential future victims (bad luck for the victims at hand), then you are doing politics.

      If your advocacy is motivated by the desire to get help for the victims who are under the traffickers at this very moment, then you are an HR and refugee advocate. Here you would be seeking justice from the entities that are causing the suffering inside Sinai and entities that can affect the decision of the traffickers.

      If your advocacy is motivated by the desire to prevent the PFDJ’s laws from producing more refugees, then you are a politician. Here your focus would be regime change opposition or joining our proactive Third Way movement to politics. Here we will be discussing some of the issues you mentions about finding ways to choke the PFDJ through Weyane, 2%, Sanctions and a lot more. If you try to get the human rights agenda to push these controversial political issues, we will assume that the only reason you are interested in the refugees is because you want your opponents to look bad and that is not OK.

      Of couse Canadian law takes precedence. But I know you were among those who pushed for the banning, with all due respect the reason you did it in my personal opinion had nothing to do with actually caring for whether it is creating financial difficulties for Eritrean Canadians. If that were the case, we would have shared our personal problems with Eritrean embassies and they would have decided on individual basis. The reason you did it was for the wrong reason, to chock the PFDJ. If we as Eritreans in Canada, have differing opinions of whether we want to choke the PFDJ, you don’t think our opinion should have been taken into account. I have all respect for you but this is the kind of dishonest and dirty politics that I am proposing we should end.

  • tafla

    Saba,

    There are other categories too. Those who have given up on and despise the very people they are trying to save. Many of them driven by extreme hatred of EPLF/ISSIAS/PFDJ. They beg foreign powers on bended knees and bended backs and fight to remove PFDJ by all means necessary at any price to our nation’s future sovreignity.

    • Saba

      They are in stage 0, in the group “the second way”. People in stage 0 believe only in the dichotomy pfdj/anti-pfdj, and never look other alternatives. For more explanation about the “second way” please refer to Ali Salim’s articles or my previous posts. Let me know if you need more explanation.

  • Hayat Adem

    hey everyone, i seem to be the only one populating the comment box. most awatawian are asleep and my day has started. so much for our friend ermia’s ability to locate us. does that make me stationed in asia or east-coast, or may be araya nailed me somewhere in mekele. araya is suspecting everyone who happens to look at him straight in Addis. I can imagine this talk going on among aray’s family in Addis :
    Aray’s mom: አንታ ሰባብ ሰበብ ክይተገድፈልና ስቕ ኢልካ ዘምጸአካ ገይርካ ኪድ። ሎሚ ኩሉ ነገር ዘረባ ዝወስድ’ምበር ዝኽውለልካ የለን።
    Araya’s Dad: ክላ ንሲኺ ከዓ በስ ፈሪሕክዮም ማለት’ዩ። አንቲ እቲ ነዊሕ ኮርማጁ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ከማን ከምዛ ንወያነ ፈጥፈጥ ትብልሎምሲ አይተፈርሐን። ወያነ ሕጂ እንዳ እለይ አሜሪካ ገለ ወስ እንተበልሉስ ፈንጣሕጣሕ ዝብል ዘሎ’ምበሪ ወያነ ፈሽፋሽ ደአ ግደፍና በጃኺ አይተዛርባና…
    Araya: ጽቡቕ አለኻ father። አንቲ አደይ፣ ስለያ ገለ’ኮ ህዝባዊ ግንባር እያ አሰልጢናቶም። እምበሪ ንሶም እንታይ ይፈልጥዎ። fo! ወያነ ድሑራት’ኮ ዮም። አንታ እቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ደኣ ገለ’ንድዩ። ሪኢኺ ሕጂ ነዞም አሜሪካ ከመይ ኢዩ ገጥ አቢሉ ገጢምዎም ዘሎ…
    His Mom: እሞ ዝኾነኾይኑ አብ መሬቶም አብ ዓዶም ኢና ዘለና። ዘይጥቕመካ ዘረባ እንታይ ይረብሕ? ሰላምን ፍቕርን እዩ ነፈታሪ ዘሕምቖ..

    • sara

      funny …and true, though your accent is obvious , any way
      good try… you could team up with our cartoonist dawit to be a duo and work for ethio tv.

  • Saba

    The 5 Stages of U Turn:
    a. Stage 0: you are a hardline supporter of “the first way”=pfdj, or “the second way”=cyber opposition or you belong to the “silent majority”. For the definitions of each category, look at Ali salim’s articles and also my previous posts:)
    b. Stage 1: you are unhappy about what is going on, the tragedies and the human right abuses but you are still soft supporter of “the first way” or “the second way”. You focus on the tragedies but you do not try to find a solution.
    c. Stage2: You become self centered, you care about your family, your neighbors, and the rest is sik ilka iyu adey adey.
    d. Stage3:You are confused and withdrawn from politics
    e. Stage4: You recover and comeback with the “third way”. The details of the “third way” are open for discussion:)
    It is possible that you stay in the same stage permanently or regress to lower stages. Some people can also jump stages. The amount of time it takes in each stage for an individual depends on many factors.

  • Hayat Adem

    I’ve never seen him bending that low. He never showed that humility even to his patriarch.

    • Rodab

      If you are referring to PIA, he did it at least once.
      http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/42436000/jpg/_42436168_patriarch203.jpg

      • Hayat Adem

        aha, good dig.

        • Rodab

          But you weren’t wrong since all you said was you never seen him do that. You Got smarter this time and avoided “serray never said that” error:-)

          • Hayat Adem

            not at all. you should be fine correcting me anytime whenever i exhibit factual errors. we all need to be watched. thanks

          • Hayat Adem

            where is serray? i’m always unable not to miss that guy. i was wildly mad at AT when i saw that lowland article with that merciless scissor tearing eritrea. I have an internal nagging in me that i burst out emotionally and my accusation was more of an emotion than reason. i have my moments of losing it. let me take a moment here to healthfully apologize for the team for the excess i dumped over and also thank AT for being a gravity of attraction for great brains such as serray.

          • Serray

            Selam Hayat,

            I am here, I just couldn’t figure out where ali is going with this and it doesn’t matter anyway. I saw your picture of isaias bending low and I thought what a perfect picture, it shows his true nature. I bet you these days he does all their dirty work; he probably gets a cut from the organs harvested from the people running from the human trafficking regime he setup with his comrades.

            The lowland society, I wish they stop threatening and pursue their own solution already. I am for fighting the regime every which way and a lowlander fighting for real, instead of writing boloney sitting in ethiopia or London is welcome even if the end is to free only his own. It happened before and it might happen again; if they grow balls, we might, too. What I am sick and tired is lowlanders taking credit for ghedli and somehow hold the poor highlanders responsible because isaias happened to be a human from highland before ghedli turned him and his regime into brutes. But I tell you, the stench of hypocrisy becomes unbearable when they propose partitioning while taking credit for their fathers’ fight to keep eritrea whole.

            I was surprised, however, by the romantics who never lose a chance to go after yg when he says ghedli turned out to be bad for eritrea and yet they keep quite when ghedli romantics like them say the fruit of ghedli is horrible and that they want out. At least Yg is internally consistent; ghedli was wrong and so is its result. The romantics who threaten to split think ghedli is good but its signature achievement, the nation, is bad enough they want out. My only question is, if they split, who gets to keep the name eritrea? They do? Why does the story of king solomon comes to mind?

          • Saleh Johar

            Hayat and Serray, the picture is not of Isaias. Can you tell who it is?

          • Ermias

            SGJ, I thought it didn’t look like IA when I first saw it but I doubted myself. I looked more closely now. I will let others figure it out but it’s super ironic.

          • Saba

            I saw this pic in asmarino.com @ around 2001.

          • tes

            I think this occasion was in 2011 or 2012, during May 24. It was broadcasted in the Serving DIA TV, I saw the shot and I remembered saying and all around, “Yihuda win nYesus siemu eyu ahlifu hibwo elna.” That was the end of DIA’s position in his old marxist-leninst-Maoist ideology, because, he believed that his issaiasism came into existence.

          • tafla

            Oh my, what an observant eye and the counter-argument you made in just one line. Ermias I see it too 🙂

          • Semere Andom

            Hi Serray:
            Nice to see you.
            Well if Eritrea splits, deja vu, we will fight, useless, bloodly civil war on who will keep a name as we fought a useless, bloody war for mere words not principles. I rem you mentioning the programs of both fronts and the difference was vocabulary one will never use a world the other used and coined its own vocabulary. And there are some romantics who say the civil was good for Eritrea
            Ali Salim’s journey destination is very predictable, if you read him between the lines he drops hints in every article and the suspense will peak into : PFDJ liberated Eritrea it made mistakes, mistakes, mistakes, little excess here and there, blunders mostly because of the war unleashed by the woyane and those who belong to woyane, therefore PFDJ is well positioned in terms of its aspiration to lead us to the just society we all aspire.
            As to the romantics, everyone is romantics, just for fun intervieew the young who braved the desert who saw the ugliness of the PFDJ and if you de-romantasize the ghedli you will hear an earful from the majority, they will tell you the PFDJ changed after the 1998 war, it is the trauma of the woyane invasion not ghedli

            Sem

          • Serray

            Selamat Saleh, Rodab and semere,

            Rodab, I was wondering how the tewahdo cross was burned on his forehead; when evil touches a cross it leaves a mark. Saleh, I can’t zoom-in to take a closer look but you and rodab are spoiling it for us.

            Note to your tech guy, awate seems not to be optimized for ipad; you can’t zoom-in or zoom-out. At first I thought it was Disqus’s problem but I can zoom on other sites using disqus.

            Selamat semere,

            Same here. About the civil war…when two underdogs fight, it is usually very violent. Some say pound for pound the fights between jebha and shaebia were the most viciousin medda.

            I can understand small ethnic groups like kunama organizing along ethnic lines, it is more cohesive and it leaves the nation unchanged when or if they won but when you have lowlanders, highlanders, christians or muslims organizing along those lines, it is different; it is a bold statement that the idea of eritrea has failed. Coming from those who claim on one side of their mouth that ghedli, a movement started to bring THAT Idea into existence, is good and then go about dismantling its result while preaching its virtue, it just leaves bad taste in your mouth. My view on the lowland society is, go fight the pfdj for your separate solution, but please, please, stop lecturing us about the virtues of ghedli, the hypocrisy is just too much to take.

            There is somalia in our future almost exclusively because of pfdj mismanagement but it will take groups like the lowland society to really hammer it home. Mind you, these people are not saying “all else failed” (if they, do they are lying) they are just throwing it out there. Ideas have repercussions. One guy has literally turned the idea of ghedli upside down. For the romantics to be silent now is to acknowledge the failure of ghedli in much more profound way than yg ever did.

          • Saleh Johar

            Serray, out technical director promised to see what he can do. But first we will need to reproduce the problem. At this moment we are unable to make sense of the issue you described. 1) What browser were you using. Safari for iOS? Chrome? etc… 2) is the issue specific to disqus or site wide? Do you have an iPad (I have one)? If you do, can you please try to reproduce the issue? Thanks again for the feedback and please explain the problem in more details.

          • Serray

            Selamat Saleh,

            I have ipad 2 with ios version 7.1. I use both safari and chrome and neither has zoom ability on your site. I was curious and opened several articles from different sections and it seems the issue is site wide and not just related to articles with live discussions.

            Here are three weird things I noticed, too. Disqus fails to load on first attempt almost half the time and I have to hit reload and then it loads. Also, when it loads, it brings temporarily (for few seconds) unformatted text of comments even when they are being moderated (how do I know, because when it finish loading, the comments under moderation disappear). Finally, here is a “problem” I wish it gets worse; while geez fonts are unreadable on the body of articles and comments, under the latest article snippets at the bottom, they are readable.

          • Rodab

            Serray,
            What app are using to read Geez on your iPad?
            I am using an app called Puffin*, but sometimes it frustrates the heck out of me. So it is a good idea to have other options.

            *When it is not jack-assing around, Puffin is actually a decent app – it allows me to read geez, watch eritv live, opens programs that require flash plug in and so on…
            While there, may I recommend Lumosity (for brain exercise) and NBC Sports (for Premier League Soccer shows).

      • tafla

        At least here, he’s bowing to the cross…but the man holding the cross is in prison since a long time now.

    • Dawit

      Hayat,
      This is what you have not seen him doing. 🙂 Bowing down to his knees.

      • Hayat Adem

        Dawitom,
        you really are stilling the show! አንታ እወ- ዳዊቶም! ጎይትኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክነሱ ንቃጣር ኢድ ዝነስእ መቃጠሪ!

        • Hayat Adem

          oh, terrible misspelling above: stealing.
          did you guys notice how fast dawit gets a grip to an idea, sketch it and flower it with artistic imagination…it is so powerful a tool.

      • Ermias

        Now, someone get the kurmaj and whip his big butt.

        You are superior dawitom!

  • tes

    PFDJ’s achievement after 23 years of hard work. From this 13 minutes national news, we can learn a lot of failed systems.

    1. failed infrastracture (Minsitry of Public works)
    2. failed judicial system (Minsitry of Justice)
    3. Failed campaign (Ministry of national developments)
    4. failed follow-up of dissadvantaged society (minsitry of labor Social works)
    5. Sport (Sport commission)
    … the list will go on.

    By all measures, PFDJ is against Eritrean society.

    https://vimeo.com/91201138

  • Kokhob Selam

    ..…..ኣበይ ኣለኹ ኣነ ?…..

    ንነብሰይ ክደልያ – ነዛ ዓለም ዘይረያ:-
    ፍጹም ስኢነያ በቃ – ቀቢጸያ::

    ዳሕራይ:-
    ኣብ ኩሉ ቦታት ካብ ዘይረኸብኩዋ:-
    ስውርቲ ዝገብረ ገለ ከይህልዋ:-

    ኢለ ክሓስብ ክምርምር ደኒነ:-
    ለካስ ኣብ ውሽጠይ እየ ተሓቢአ ኣነ::

    እንኳዕ ድኣ ከይረኸብኩዋ ኣይሞትኩ ‘ ምበር:-
    ኩሉ ክበጽሖ እየ ናይ ‘ዛ ህይወት ሚስጥር::

    ለካስ እቲ ሚስጢር ሕናቅልቅሊተይ:-
    ዝፍታሕ ኣብ ውሽጢ እዩ ኣብ ‘ታ ነብሰይ::

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam KS,

      Very interesting poem. Keep up.
      To Younis, please, take the two lines from the last (or last two lines). Think about your riddles and the solutions strictly comes from your “inner self.” The riddles that took you to all kinds of U-turns will find, the answer in your inner self and I will join with a prayer. Just “wazza mes Qum-neger” Younisom.

  • tes

    Ali Salim, here is something that we need to think before making any U-Turns. Remember, PFDJ is not a party, is not a political organization, is not a government. he is a killer. Then, if you need a symbiotic relationship, then, romantizing of your youth period is nothing but a big mistake against Eritrean society.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sNKWwij5L8w#t=147&hd=1

    • Kokhob Selam

      are supporters watching this? please, share to the maximum you can, sure those who are not aware will wake up.

    • Hayat Adem

      .Ali will repeat and tell that he is more bothered and pained by the people who are politicizing it than by the fact that it actually happened to our people

      • Tes and Hayat Adem,

        Some people, like this blessed sister have the power to ameliorate the pain of people who have lost their humanity at the hands of human beasts. She told her audience that this is not the time to discuss about the cause of the Eritrean tragedy. Even as the servant of God (and not that of human beings), she knew very well that there is a cause-effect relationship to the Eritrean tragedy.

        There seems to be two ways to face this tragedy. The first is the way of the blessed sister by leaving it to God to save the people with his wisdom, power and in his own time. The second is the human way, where human beings should find a solution themselves; in this case, the people of Eritrea should find the necessary solution.

        Unfortunately, a tragedy becomes even more tragic, when one realizes that there are people who do not want to see a cause-and-effect relationship to this horrendous crime against innocent Eritreans. They tell us that the tragedy of the Eritrean people is not part of the Eritrean politics, and it is not honorable to politicize it. The honorable thing to do, as much as they are concerned, is to hide and see it as if it has no political relevance, any tragic event happening to the Eritrean people, within or outside their country. Given the fact that the regime stands for the Eritrean dream, it has good intentions, and it is a guardian of the Eritrean
        independence, politicizing these tragic events is equal to undermining these
        divine objectives. Unfortunately, these divine objectives do not include the
        people. If it did, there wouldn’t have been human tragedy in the first place.
        Do not politicize means do not see, hear or ask and most importantly, do not
        demand for responsibilities. In politics, they tell us, there should only be
        political rhetoric. Injustices and crimes committed against the people, heart-breaking
        tragedies etc, should not be used for political reasons.

        One is therefore forced to ask the following questions: Is human tragedy non-politics (above politics)? When human tragedy is the result of the actions of the worst type dictatorship, can we say that we should not politicize it? Is it wrong to politicize events that have destroyed the life of innumerable people in the Eritrean society, (from the victims to their relatives)? These women in the audience, with no connection with the Eritrean people, were they naïve, when they sat there listening to the horrific stories of the plight of the Eritrean young (men/women) with tearful
        eyes? With their saddened hearts, surely, they have asked their God one
        fundamental question; WHY LORD SHOULD THIS EVER HAPPEN TO INNOCENT HUMAN BEINGS? It is politics when people ask for justice and deliverance from a never-ending tragedy, even from their God.

        Some diehard supporters are ready to distort, vilify and even deny the tragic
        situation of the Eritrean people, in order to protect the PFDJ regime. After
        all, as one PFDJ supporter said some time ago, the victims of the Eritrean tragedy
        were running after iPods, electronic gadgets and even they were on tourism. This is when the human heart becomes a block of ice. When Eritreans are told not to politicize the crimes of the regime in Asmara, one can understand the callousness of some people. Be sure, if Eritrean tragedy is statistics and cheap politics for the opposition, for the supporters of the regime, it is a non-issue and even non-existent. Do not politicize is equivalent to saying do not ask for responsibilities.

        People are told to treat the symptoms by helping the victims and not by extirpating the cause once forever. The cause of the Eritrean ailment is the PFDJ dictatorial regime with DIA at its head. The only way to save the ailing Eritrean
        society is a radical resection and total removal of this cancerous growth from
        the body of the Eritrean society.

        • tafla

          Sympathy and advice is nice, but as an Ethiopian I would rather see that you start criticising the EPRDF-government for its role in the no peace no war situation. Dealing with the PFDJ will be very easy for Eritreans once the Ethiopia dimension is out of the way (border ruling and opposition camp).

          • tafla,
            May be you did not come across my past comments concerning the EPRDF government or the border issue.

            My position has always been simple and clear; I support or criticize the EPRDF government according to its merits and demerits. I am not any way a committed supporter of the government. I have criticized it for past crimes and its present day excesses and shortcomings, and especially for the absence of full-fledged democracy, (e.g. the use of a bogus anti-terrorism law to incarcerate journalists, harassment of the opposition during elections etc).

            As much as the border ruling is concerned, I have also said in my previous comments that both governments are exploiting the situation, and we should not expect a solution in the immediate future. Unfortunately, the issue has become a good example of the proverb which says “it is the grass that suffers when two brainless elephants keep on fighting” (slightly paraphrased).

            Although there are some similarities between the PFDJ and the EPRDF, there are also big differences, especially as to what each one of them has achieved for its people. Therefore, it is a mistake to use the same scale for both.

            One should not see Ethio-Eritrean politics separately. The two people are tied together with history, culture, geography, economy, and even their genes, despite what ultra-nationalist Eritreans say. When the old toxic generation passes, Eritreans and Ethiopians will understand that they are condemned to live together in one of the many combinations, either as an independent Eritrea ruled by democrats, a confederation or a federation. It is in the hands of the future generations to take one of these, and build a peaceful and prosperous Eritrean and ethiopian nation. Ethiopians and Eritreans cannot escape their destiny, however they might try. I would like to stress that we should not put too much value on the old toxic generation, except of course some individual exceptions, for it has already made itself irrelevant.

    • ALI-S

      Tes,

      Thanks for the interesting attachments last time and thanks for the video.

      Sister Azezet is an honourable Eritrean and she is among those who are doing the rights things for the right reasons. She is focused on the victims of horrible stories trying to help them one person at a time. For her, these poor kids are not statistics. They are real human beings each with a story worthy of attention.

      That is what a human rights and refugee advocate should be doing.

      For you for the misguided opposition, if I got your intention right, these people are statistics than can prove a point in cheap politics. I don’t think it is honourable to use their stories in politics. You are better than that my brother so don’t do it.

      Here, we are not looking for helpless people who cry over these horrors. We are looking for people who may suggest for ways to minimize their incidence on others. If you ever attach a similar video next time suggest what we should do to help the victims on the video if you really care.

      • tes

        Ali-S

        You are very welcome.

        And for the second point, I do not have any intention to say, “misguided opposition.” Every opposition movement has its cause and is right to the level that what it claims is right as per the justification. But, this right to oppose is can sometimes be accepted only by the group it formed it and this will be an end by itself. The main reason could be of limitation in its scope, mission, diversity or expected end reslults.

        Politics starts with crying, crying could mean different to politicians. But what they cry for is what they are not happy with. Politics is not a to have a crocodile tear. It is a cry of human being when the way things are going do not satisfy a group of people, or even individuals. If society as a whole has the right to claim his rights, so is an individual.

        Being far from the main cause-effect relationship does not help one to suggest for ways to minimize the incidence on others. Ali-Salim, Politics is not an academic exercise. Academic skills can open the eyes to see what is going on, but, just to write what the academic books say, or what a crazy mind puts in his image is a fatal politics.

        I am not a kind of person who depend on horor to politicise issues. But, to say, I need a base, or to change I need a vision. Either of the two works.

        thanks

  • Menkem

    I am missing my two most favorite awate-forum participants, namely the great SAAY and the most to your face, Nitricc.
    I hope they are all well but i have a question for AT. SAAY just may be busy but I remember people like Ermias,Hayat and Hidarat were calling for Nitricc to be banned from this awate forum; is nitricc banned?

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Menkem,
      I have never asked anyone to be banned. I did ask them to talk in a civilized manner, avoid unnecessary adjectives, and to focus on the messages rather on the messengers, in order the debate to be meaningful and learn each other. Where did you get me asking the AT to ban Nitricc?

      • Saleh Johar

        Amanuel, don’t feeding more energy to his paranoia. If anyone is banned, you will all know about it. We do not ban stealthy, we state it here. Nitricc is not banned, on the contrary, he is on the whitelist. He will explain his absence when he comes back from wherever he is.

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Saleh,
          I am not feeding energy to his panaroia, I am simply clearing myself from his accusation, which I never did ask for anyone to be banned.

  • Hayat Adem

    Ali failure is to see that PFDJ is not a normal party. There is national agenda pfdj stands for, so to speak. It doesn’t belong to the 1st way or 2nd way or else. There is only one way pfdj represents: the ELIMLIM way. the other point is: in real politicking, 3rd way is never a stand-alone competitor. It can help either of the two major ways win or lose, by denying or bestowing support. Political gaming theories teach us a third way only appeals to the conscience not to the mind of the voter. It has the best value appeal, but not ownership appeal in that fear comes into play to influence voters to give their voice of support not to the party/idea they think is the best, but in protest of the party they don’t want to win. Here is how it works.

  • T. Kifle

    Ermias,

    whether the opposition would effect a regime change on their own or piggybacking on the back of EPRDF is a secondary issue. One reason is EPRDF so far doesn’t show any sign of that sort and in case it intervenes it would be in response to the behaviour of the PFDJ regime as it never rests from harming the strategic interests of Ethiopia. Mark my words: Ethiopia would never fight a war for Eritreans. So this conclusion of Ali Salim is based on non-existent premise.

    If any invisible security threats are hovering in the air, it wouldn’t be because of EPRDF but in spite of it. PFDJ knows that for real: no security dangers from EPRDF led Ethiopia. Then, use this non-issue card, deafen Eritrean ears day in and day out until it looks like a present and eminent danger to the nations survival. Since we are sure that EPRDF would never move an inch, the status quo continues: PFDJ riding the nation till a point of no-return and fall out of its own sheer weight. No other strategy point can lend PFDJ the luxury the security card is offering and he is using it to the fullest. But, I can tell you that the real security threat of Eritrea is PFDJ itself and if by some magic the threat happens to be external, PFDJ is in no way capable of countering it.

    • Ermias

      Dear T. Kifle, you mention that EPRDF is not showing any interest and advancing regime change in Eritrea. Most Eritreans will find that hard to believe. At this point, all I can say with some certainty is that AS’s position is that of a typical misinformed Eritrean, which is in my estimation the majority of Eritreans.

      T. Kifle, if I tell you I am here to engage with the likes of you (who have deep knowledge) to make political analysis of contemporary Eritrea and Ethiopia, I would be lying to you. Then why am I here? Very simple – because I feel so guilty that I am sitting here in the West living safely and comfortably whereas my fellow Eritreans are deprived of the most basic of necessities as in running water, electricity, freedom of movement and much more. I am looking for answers and this website provides a lot of answers but not everything. Hence we keep coming back looking for more answers.

      So my point to you and others of your caliber is please don’t be surprised by a lot of us here who write a ton of gibberish. I for one don’t know better.

      I have to admit, it’s a total disservice to summarize all the articles that AS is writing in a couple paragraphs like I did. Perhaps that’s why he had choice words for horizon and to some extent to me as well.

  • tes

    Saba, as the theory tries to explain, it shows the trancedence and deceit of Eritrean struggle under the context of exposing PFDJ compexity and its ill driving forces.

    the opposition forces are those who have being rejected and became victims of the hidden forces. if we can simplify all this, then only we can tackle them. Therefore, the focus is the force that drives PFDJ to commit such evil acts under the umbrella of first independence, then national economic development and later national sovereignity. We need just to bring them and simplify it. have the mind to read charts. And you by your own can develop the article. I very welcome you to write an article if you are interested. As for me, for the time being, the chart is explanotary by itself, thanks that people with beautiful mid understood it already.

  • tes

    This is a theory, it is not a postulate. It may have shortcomings Saba. It can be enriched through critical criticisms, not by bold rejection. Be critical contemplator to learn what your soul is searching for if you have not sold your soul for some gods like DIA.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Hey tes,
      Don’t waste your time. I don’t think she could comprehend your message. I just sensed it, just go and track all her comments and you will not miss what I mean.

      • Saba

        What do you mean? I hope you are not being sexist. If you can not handle debating me please refrain yourself from trashing people.

  • ALI-S

    Saba,

    That is what I said. The second way is a Regime Change agenda and not an opposition. Therefore as opposition politics is concerned, it is an empty set.

    The third way compliments the first way because it is an opposition agenda.

    If the Republicans took to the bush to overthrow Obama, would they still be called legitimate opposition? I think the only reason they are opposition is because they accept Obama and the US government and its laws under his administration as given. They cannot start disobeying the law of the land even if they think the laws are horrible. They accept that laws can only be disobeyed when they have been replaced. The only way to replace the law of the land is to win an election and assume a majority.

    • Rodab

      Ali-S,
      Republicans accepting Obama and his government is not the end story. Although you didn’t mention it, Obama and his government also accept the Republicans as legitimate opposition. So it’s a two way street.

      The problem with you and Semere Tesfay is, I don’t get the impression you two realize the Eritrean opposition is not allowed to work inside Eritrea. it is banned and outlawed, to remind you.

    • Saba

      Hi, Ali Salim,

      I like the title, “the third way”, because many proponents of the “second way” say that if you do not believe in their “second way”, it means you are pfdj supporter by default, they could not comprehend the a 3rd alternative. May be they will comprehend now, i hope so.

      I agree with you with the first and second ways.
      1. First way=pfdj
      2. second way=empty
      I also agree with you that in the third way, unionists and armed struggle proponents should be excluded. The third way should include parties that
      a. protect Eritrean national security and territorial integrity, which means also talking about the border issue. With all the human right abuse, some people inside Eritrea still choose pfdj because they grantee that. And also they do not see any other alternative, the alternative they see is chaos. The present cyber opposition does not care about it.

      b. accept the 1997 Eritrean Constitution
      c. should challenge pfdj in substance, not just gimmicks
      d. should be independent of TPLF
      e. should be able to campaign inside and outside the country

      f. should be transparent in their leadership, funds, their elections and no backdoor deals
      g. should PRACTICE democracy even when they are campaigning. No blackmailing, no political character assassination. If you challenge today’s cyber opposition, they are quick to label you as pfdj supporter, naive, “you do not understand”, you do not care about your people, you are not Eritrean, etc. This part will be difficult as many cyber politicians and elites have anger issues:)
      h. etc etc
      But i disagree with you if the “third way” party should play by pfdj rules, as DIA will never allow any political campaign inside Eritrea. DIA declared that he will not accept any party. But we should play by the 97 constitution and also everything we do should be based on national interest, not based on the party’s interest. We can accept pfdj as a party as long as they practice democracy but the pfdj government legitimacy was over in 1998 when they cancelled election forever and avoid implementing the constitution. The “third way” party should pressure politically the pfdj to allow election, this is possible if the the “third way” party is credible and can reach a critical mass by campaigning.

  • ALI-S

    Ermias,

    You must have read Horizon’s book very well. Your summary almost accurate. I think in a nutshell that is what I said.

  • Semere Tesfai

    I read the article only once. And if I understood the massage correctly, this is the message of the article. Most of us live in the West enjoying the the “freedom” Western governments provide to their people. Therefore, since most of us are residing in the West, it shouldn’t be that complicated to understand the message.

    In a nut shell, the article says – anything that is illegal in the West ought to be illegal in Eritrea – or any third world country for that matter. Example: if there is demonstration in the West, it is just called a demonstration. If there is demonstration in Asmara or any other country that the West doesn’t like, it is called “the people vs the repressive regime”.

    And this is not just to defend the PFDJ regime, but to defend you (when you govern?) as well. Now tell me, how do Western countries change their governments? Remember: things were not rosy in the west from day one. There was a time in the West where ‘a good Indian was a dead Indian’, there was a time where women were not allowed to vote, blacks were considered 3/5 of a person…. Have a nice weekend now.

    • ALI-S

      Hi Semere,

      You have said it right. My core argument in all the articles combined is that any opposition activism should start from the bottom at what matters to the grassroots. If we are serious about finding solutions to all the horrible things we need to start finding solutions for them right now.

      The regime change agenda postpones dealing with any real concern that matters to ordinary people until the opposition overthrows the PFDJ. The truth is that the only Eritrean entity that is trying hard to resolve these daily problems of ordinary people in Eritrea is the PFDJ and that is where the opposition is not making sense to most Eritreans.

      This tendency to use regime change agenda as a way of escaping accountability on what the opposition is supposed to do includes the horrors that refugees and trafficked Eritreans are facing. If you ask any opposition organization what they can offer, they will tell you the issue has to wait until the PFDJ is overthrown. Not only that but they expect that these poor victims would go back and carry arms to fight for them.

      People need input into what can be done today (not after years when PFDJ is gone) to help with poverty, education, health care, corruption and so on. Here I think is where the opposition belongs in finding out why the PFDJ has not done more in each area and proposing alternatives to do them better.

      The truth that we all know is: they cannot say a word because they have nothing to offer. Not because they are not capable but because the regime change agenda is not an Eritrean agenda. I hate to be blunt but the agenda and the mainstream opposition belong to Weyane.

      • Ermias

        Ali-S, now I feel somewhat redeemed because I was feeling bad for reducing your lengthly articles and arguments into a couple of paragraphs but at least I didn’t badly misrepresent your stands. I implied that perhaps your biggest concern is ‘the allegation that the opposition is driven by outside forces’ and there is no originality to their ideas hence you are concerned that this can put the existence of an independent state of Eritrea in jeopardy. Well, I think you have sided with the majority of Eritreans because that is exactly what is in most Eritreans minds, rightfully or wrongfully. But, again, a large number of Eritreans get their updates from Eri-TV or the local Starbucks. Here is a good one for you: I heard yesterday that “the US killed Melles Zenawi because he was starting to flirt too much with China and now they don’t even like the new prime minister because he said the West decides for us or something to that effect.” Also, they did the samething to “Mubarek of Egypt for having a secret affair for years with Iran.” If PFDJ knows this, why doesn’t the rest of the world know it too? Just curious.

        I am short-sighted and I argue that at least for the short term, nothing could be worse than the PFDJ regime led by IA. But like I said before, I am here looking for answers not to offer solutions because that is for you, SAAY, Semere Tesfa, Gadi, Hidrat and the like (also my favorite awatista these days Saba but I would supsect that she would rather not be referred to as awatista, my apologies if that is the case).

        The one thing I always find really prepostrous though is when people demand (like you did) proposals from the opposition for solutions of what we have in Eritrea. I equate this with the following scenario: assume there is a household, like husband and wife with their many kids. You can hear from outside of the house the kids screaming and crying all the time. Sometimes a kid or two escapes but for fear of putting his parents in trouble, he goes low key and works day and night to better himself. The kind of accusation you laid out says that if someone opens the house before having ideas as to what to do for the kids first, it might put the kids at more risk of outsiders so before we break the house open let’s lay out a plan for the kids as to where they will live, what schools they will go to etc. Saba is with you on this. I, on the other hand, say that let’s save the kids right away by snatching them from these crazy parents and once they are safe, we can worry about laying out their furure plans but we need to end their agony first becaue I can’t stand the deafening innocent cries.

        • ALI-S

          Hi Ermias,

          I also agree that Saba is among the few that are trying to find solutions with all brilliant posts. But I think you, SAAY and SG lead the solution crowd. Hidrat would fall at the centre of the crowd if takes the assumption of evil intention in what I am proposition and try to understand what we are saying first. But all are my favourites.

          Your abusive household analogy is precise and I agree with the very logical and responsible conclusion that we should of course snatch them away from the parents.

          What I would draw your attention to is that you are missing the whole point of the debate because all Eritreans would reach the same conclusion as you did. The only problem is that for you to be the one who should snatch the kids from the parents you need to prove that you can be trusted to take care of them at least in their transitioning to foster parents.

          Spectators and the kids (even if they cannot decide for themselves under the circumstances) need to know that the kids would be better off with you than with the abusive parents. From just promises, they wouldn’t know if you would end up cooking the kids for lunch.

          Even if the case goes to court, any judge no matter how dumb he/she might be will have to ask you for some proof that would suggest you would be a better option. You may get some receipts of the last Christmas presents you bought or at least some neighbour witnessing you taking care of other such kids. Very important is that the judge gets convinced that you are not doing that as a hit-man for a neighbour who has had difficulties with the household’s interests.

          The argument here is that if the opposition is ever to be legitimate (i.e. viable for trust) they we need a U-Turn to establish a resume of involvement in daily lives on issues that matter to them today.

          • Ermias

            Ali-S, thank you for your kind reply. The following two paragraphs from your post above are profound statements.

            “What I would draw your attention to is that you are missing the whole point of the debate because all Eritreans would reach the same conclusion as you did. The only problem is that for you to be the one who should snatch the kids from the parents you need to prove that you can be trusted to take care of them at least in their transitioning to foster parents.”

            “The argument here is that if the opposition is ever to be legitimate (i.e. viable for trust) they we need a U-Turn to establish a resume of involvement in daily lives on issues that matter to them today.”

            Until recently, I used to make those very arguments with friends and family. But quite frankly, I am getting increasingly desperate like many awatistas and on most days, for me any option is better than PFDJ. My biggest concern is that we are losing an entire generation and a quick fix even a duct tape to stop this bleeding will make me feel better but I am all ears and I am hearing what you and Saba are saying but not quite ready to make a U-Turn of the sort that would let PFDJ off the hook. I have no doubt though that with more and more engagements, there will be a solution but sooner will be better.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Hey Younis,

            I have never seen to anyone with “ill intentions” except to the man at the helm of power and his right hands. I saw you as one of our tough notch elitists who has a contradictory positions clearly displayed in your recent articles, which I will come to it when you finish your series. Your last article gave me the whole picture except I am waiting if I miss something could get it from the coming articles. In any case, we will see it finally whether it is a matter of politics or a matter of principle your recent position might be. When a man of mission made a detour in the middle of his mission, I want to know the character and his inner thought why he is doing to begin with.

            regards,
            Amanuel

          • Ermias

            Ali-S, I replied to you before I did to Emma but I don’t know what happened to my response to you. I will wait to see if it appears lest it gets duplicated and then I get a reprimad from Gadi.

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Selam Ermias,

          Did by any chance Semere came with a kind of proposal to our intractable social problems? be it reasonable or unreasonable for that matter. I know he isn’t, at least in this wabsite. Semere, from all I read his pieces, he is good at punditry who can tell you in a militaristic way, like commanding instruction – whether you like it or not we will do this, or you follow this. One thing for sure Semere as a product of our liberation army, knows the social contractions of our diversity. But he is always dismissive about it. That is the only problem I see from him. Otherwise if he wants I could see his ability in contributing his share towards the resolution of our social contradictions. Semere needs a U-turns from admiring the most suffocating regime Eritrea has ever seen and stand for justice.

          • Ermias

            Selam Emma, I have to admit Semere’s patriotic lecture makes me feel good sometimes but at the same time the demanding nature of it makes me scared too. Anyway, I don’t agree with Semere all the time but I think it is fair to assume that he has the best of intentions for our country like every Eritrean (I hope). It is a good balancing act to have varying views and so long as he has no hand in this brutal regime’s crimes, his ideas need to be taken seriously and accepted or debanked using the proper ways. I get a little confused sometimes though because in some occassions I feel like he doesn’t like the PFDJ and that he wants the opposition to better and in other occasions, I feel like he is defending the PFDJ at any cost.

          • Amanuel Hidrat

            Ermias,

            You shouldn’t be surprised by his patriotism. There is no lack of patriotism in Eritrea. What we lack is wisdom and the knowledge of geopolitics. Failing to solve our domestic political crises always make us handicapped to show our role in the regional geopolitics.

          • Saba

            But definitely there is lack of patriotism in the opposition.

        • Saba

          Hi Ermias, thank you for your honest reply and you did not bash anyone who disagrees with you as a pfdj supporter, as many do here. It is a tough choice whether to scrutinize the opposition or not, as people are in worst condition. The whole people of our generation is lost, they do not have a good education, dysfunctional marriage, no good job or skills, may be socially dysfunctional too, as they are poisoned by pfdj teachings. Well you get this if you are out of prison. Probably they have now new wia, gelaalo. You might think that the opposition would be better than the pfdj in all possible scenarios but i think that was what we were thinking about EPLF in 1991. Similarly in your example, you could be worse than the parents and as Ali Salim said, the judge will ask you to show proof that you are better and you can cook(you might buy them dogs food). I know you would be excellent, i was just playing based on your example.
          So timali cherimka do? I hope you did not share all your secrets and the status of your investigations:)
          You got it right, i am not awatista yet as they play with my posts when they contain some irritating phrases:)
          I think you are in stage1 of my U turn stages:)

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Hey Saba,

    How is the third way close to the first way? If you really understood what Younis is saying could elaborate it. I can see that he makes you lost in his theory of movement and his drive on the u-turns. Ala Younis, IB-Aleka why do you play with people like saba,? Don’t throw them in to the polemics of our complex socio-politics.

    • Saba

      eway denghitsuley izi wedi, thank you. The “second way” is empty, is that painful? Actually AS’s U turn is more complex to you.

    • Saba

      I will be nice to you even though you are underestimating me repeatedly. AS’s third way is that for any change to occur, you have to play first by pfdj’s rules. But i do not like it because first off all you have to go first to mars, per DIA speech. Then i believe that DIA has a strong swur ginbar2.0 that makes hard to reactivate EPLF or reform pfdj.

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Saba,

    If you are knowledgeable to statistical charts, flow charts, and graphs, they are self explanatory themselves. They are not electromagnetic graphs, Cat-scans, and Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) that requires expert’s interpretations. If you can’t understand this chart you can’t follow how the debate is going.

    • Saba

      That is not the point, i can interpret them, even the rorschach images:) What i said is that the chart is incomplete, fails to explain the role of the cyber opposition in helping pfdj’s survival and to oversize of the silent majority. Comprende?

    • allelah

      the “whatever” chart you called is damn hard to understand – ala “kindergarten drawings”. Damn you put up an argument for this; you are so damn funny as your intelligence.

  • Saba

    Ali salim, your third way is very close to the first way. The “second way” proponents main agenda is explain that the “first way” is bad so in reality there is no the “second way”. We are stuck again with the “first way” and we do not like it. We need to defined the real “third way”. Sometimes mantile zelila zelila nab beati tiatu iya(most of the time mantile zelila zelila nab baytaA, as AS said:)

  • said

    THE Politics of the PFDJ .PFDJ has not brought,
    prosperity, peace, reconciliation, stability, recovery, liberty and freedom? Or merely substituted a new tiny minority non-inclusive Era government for the similar system with Marxism-Leninism a dead faith of ruthless Mengustu fascist regime that preceded it? Eritrean still have not overcome the legacy of lost life’s, in span over two decade FPDJ regime loss of opportunity, lost time, loss of capacity and lost growth, it is a permanent and
    fixed situation, there is no visionary and disciplined leadership. The rouble with PFDJ regime is that deliberately prioritized promotion and development of narrowly selecting tiny minority inter-ethnic concord above its wider citizens’ freedoms and equality, FPDJ regime is focused for its own enrichment and preoccupied with survival. With no guidance of philosophy and values to speak of. FPDJ regime adherent to the culture of domination and suppression and culture of the bullet not the ballot box. The FPDJ believes the central state planning is answer for better economy and is only motor of the economy and that government can be the catalyst to get economy,business and investment going. The FPDJ while not completely distancing themselves from that approach of communist era of central state
    planning, are not much more the party of free market and free enterprise. It had the comfy familiarity of an old-fashioned communist economy script,the written is on wall way back, one whose ending everybody already knew. Nation economy miserably stagnated and falling. FPDJ already had its back to the wall, an impoverished, decimated country. PFDJ goes from one self-defined disaster after another has drained its capability. No matter how
    incapable and inept they may prove, never change their way. They can essentially can do no wrong in domestic economy when it comes to managing the nation, they do not give a damming .While nation facemajor catastrophic economically and tyrannical political system. It’s
    a remarkable tale. Legendary, one might almost say. Never face realty or
    be accountable. I was never exposed and never realized the degree of Filth and
    Lowliness of the so-called Eritrean leadership of PFDJ and their despicable
    henchmen as proven the past two decades.

    In short, the Eritrean Affairs are mostly in the hands of
    thugs, opportunists and very corrupt people. Many Eritrea convinced that
    the future of Eritrea and the Eritreans are in doubt with the kind of so-called
    leadership of PFDJ, they have and a non-negligible percentage of appeasing and
    profiteer Eritrean intelligentsia.
    Even if you are an ideologue and If you are a leftist, PFDJ
    is not the left created by EPLF once believed to be. If you are for the freedom
    and liberty for Eritrea, PFDJ is not the party that can achieve your dream. If
    you are for a better future, PFDJ doesn’t know how to build a future. If you
    are for a better economy, PFDJ is destroying what remained of Eritrea’s
    economy. If you are moderate and center wing, PFDJ do not have any clue as what
    center is, simply put they are not for free market nor do they believe in
    trading and commerce and they are allergic to industrialist and capitalist
    system. FPDJ are content with stagnate economy and failing health and
    education systems.in short it is not progressive system, it is all
    about on man ,a canniest dictator ,the nation that has slowly
    but steadily dashed hopes for progressive sweeping change raised during
    the heady days of Eritrean independence twenty three years ago. Were in
    realty, today’s society that is both pathetic and polarised. Eritrean’s way of
    life, culture, values .faiths and principles, upon which it was built, had been
    diminished threatened, dismissed, despised and attacked as a backward and
    reactionary from PFDJ. In a broader sentiment and feeling in Eritrea people are far more removed, pessimistic about the nation’s prospects.
    Answered by Mass fleeing and rapidly escalating brain drain and tell tales
    of the present an-sustainable situation tell it all. Eritrea’s geopolitical
    stand-off with neighbouring countries tell it all. That have being very harmful
    to the nation politically and economically, that brought “a significant
    negative impact” to Eritrean economy, it’s not an issue of national
    security , or sovereign state principle that is at stake, it is in all
    indicators the nation have totally failed.

  • Dawit

    What follows after the U-turn

    • Abinet

      Dawit
      Good one as always. I have an idea .
      Ali S driving on a traffic circle ( round about) , looking for the right exit ( opposition ) . He couldn’t find it . Every time he takes the wrong exit . He is still driving on the same traffic circle . I think all his u – turns are just to get back on that circle where he is more comfortable (pfdj).
      I hope it makes a good cartoon.
      Thanks

      • Dawit

        That’s a good idea/description Abinet.

        • Abinet

          Dawit, thanks.

      • Kim Hanna

        Abinet,
        Oh man! Oh man! Oh man I wish I could draw these darn things. In my mind the picture described above says it all. Thanks for the abstract picture. I hope Dawit can embellish it. Now I have to come back over and over looking for that masterpiece.
        K.H

        • Abinet

          That is a very kind of you . Thanks

  • haile

    Saba…haile the confused (and confusing) has been escorted out last time, this is the great (hope that clears it:). Now to your cyber opposition…you know that the fact YOU only get to meet the opposition in the cyber doesn’t mean that it is the only place they live in. Little children think that shop keepers live in the shop!!

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Hailat,

      Are you still not recognized by “desqus” to upload your avatar and get a fee pass? come on what is the problem?

    • Saleh Johar

      haile, and they think the vegetables and eggs are made inside the store…

      • Saba

        They can swim only in the net and, like the fish, they can not survive outside in the farm where your veggies and eggs are made:)

    • Rodab

      Yes Hailat, Aman is right, what’s with you and avoiding an accounted name? The confusion of the other day wouldn’t have been created…

    • Haile

      My name is Haile. Why should I renounce to appease you. Based on your comments, you are not that great. Arrogant yes, great no.

  • haile

    Selamat Ali-S and awatista,

    I was reading FM Osman Salih’s intervention at the EU-Africa Summit in Brussels and found it entertaining to note that the regime doesn’t really understand the practical meaning of “frank discussion”. the FM said reasoned that “since most, with the exception of few, Europeans are going through “economic crisis”, the EU may not have the resources needed to engage in genuine development partnership.” He also charges “Until now, Europe has” the plundering of third world resources” attitude towards cooperation”. Hence the FM contended that it was imperative to have “frank discussions” to assess the EU’s behavioral rehabilitation and actual means to engage Africa!

    Now then, “frank discussion” are often to be had with someone looking for something from you as apposed the other way around. If I ask you to lend me money continually, you may wish to have “frank discussion” as to my spending pattern with me. It would be preposterous that I wish to have “frank discussions” with you as to your spending habits to assess that if there is any money left after your expenses that can be utilized to extend loans to me! That is zeyhafr dmu’s gebremariam shmu 🙂

    I feel similar discrepancy is manifested in the above article in counting in and counting out of who is opposition, what should define or criminalize opposition, what should be the limits of acceptable means to opposing… It is not also clear whether Ali-S considers Eritrea to have a government. If he does, does this “government” has the moral and legal authority to define any aspect of how Eritreans fight for their rights.

    Here is food for thought: the dergue and many others discounted the TPLF during the struggle, funnily enough the TPLF has become the only force to reckon with many decades later. Please don’t discount anyone regardless of what you prefer. It also becomes very disconcerting that those you try to exclude seem to be the intended recipients of your message. As they are the only one’s having the biggest youth membership and an aura of confidence to meet PFDJ with the language it understands. I say, may be it is time to have “frank discussions”… 🙂

    Regards

    • T. Kifle

      Selamat Haile,

      The only take home from this article is the fact that all political forces of Eritrea should accept the status of may 24, 1991 as an absolute. And I don’t see major deviations in that respect. The rest is ሃጠው ቀጠው and nonsense polemics.

      • Dear T. Kifle,

        Just to elaborate on what you said, the take home message, as much as I can see are:

        1) The Eritrean dream and the PFDJ dream is one and the same, which every self-respecting Eritrean, a pro-PFDJ or an opposition, should espouse. The PFDJ is the warden of the Eritrean dream and not the opposition, and any deviation from this dream is a crime.

        2) The opposition cannot be trusted, because it is an Ethiopian Trojan horse. It does not have the interest of Eritrea at heart, and it is a minority and weak that is being manipulated by woyane/Ethiopia. It should concede incompetence and align itself with the politics of the PFDJ.

        3) Unionist, who see the Eritrean dream within the broader Ethio-Eritrean dream are an anathema, traitors and an enemy.

        4) The only alternative to PFDJ is “another PFDJ”. The opposition must be the alter ego of the present PFDJ.

        5) Regime change is illegal, even if that regime is illegitimate like the PFDJ. It is a crime to oppose the regime’s decisions, however unjust they might be. He has committed a crime himself by running away to freedom, and yet does not want to go back home, and he opposes those who commit the same crime by running towards freedom. They should bear patiently the inhuman treatments of the regime, because any regime decision is the law of the land that should be respected with a blind faith.

        6) Although Eritreans have been knocking on a deaf man’s door over the last two decades, nevertheless, they should continue to knock on the door and not dare to break it open. It is illegal and an un-Eritrean.

        This is what I call the audacity of a diehard PFDJ supporter, a re-baptised one for that. The aim of the writer is to blur the political landscape and create a smokescreen behind which PFDJ could continue to survive. Is there a worse way to insult the intelligence of a whole group of people?

        • ALI-S

          Hi Horizon,

          Not a bad summary. I think I forgot to add that basic comprehension skills and straight eyes are necessary to read articles. “Comprehension for Cross-Eyed Dummies” is a good place to start. Please do that and try another summary you will have a bright future (:-)

          • Mr, Ali-S.

            It is no more a mystery; even dummies can understand that each successive article of yours is as if the emperor is removing a layer of his clothing, until he remains naked. You are becoming an open book for everybody to read; no more hiding.

            You could have educated us by pointing out where and why I have made a mistake in interpreting your article. You resorted to a defensive stand. Every labyrinth has an exit; however, complicated one tries to make it. The labyrinth you are constructing leads to one and only one destination and interpretation, to the PFDJ/Shabialand and a hundred years of PFDJ rule. God forbid!

            Fortunately, Ethiopia has found her way to the future, and she is working to free herself from internal and external obstacles that stand on her way. This is what is giving us hope. We have started to see the light at the end of the tunnel. On the contrary, the PFDJ has closed the dark tunnel hermetically, so that no light could ever enter, and its intellectuals are giving a helping hand by closing the eyes of the people with a manufactured virtual reality. The PFDJ, in whatever context you present it, is no more part of the solution, and the Hermit Kingdom (Dawit) cannot survive long. Even a Marshal plan of support by some intellectuals will not save it from its demise, because it is constructed on the wrong foundations of hate, antagonism, bellicosity, inflated ego etc. Look at the world around you. This is the 21st century; a century of cooperation, globalization and the desire to create a worldwide peace. Whoever does not adapt these principles is condemned to wither away.

        • Ermias

          Horizon, ouch. Your summary seems a fairly accurate one to me. The response you received is rather cruel. I will try my luck. Below is my summary of AS’s previous article, seems to fit this one too (needless to say, that’s just my understanding, I am not taking any position):

          I am not good at writing executive summaries on behalf of others. But with the hope that I don’t misrepresent Ali Salim, it seems to me like he had a bad dream where EPRDF has nullified the sovereignty of Eritrea.
          His main concern seems to me like the only way PFDJ can lose control of Eritrea is by direct intervention of EPRDF and the newly “despised” opposition groups marching behind EPRDF. In Ali Salim’s mind and many others, this effectively begins the beginning of the end of Eritrea as we know it as a nation state. He is picking the status quo over this alternative.

        • T. Kifle

          Good summary horizon. You took the pain of summarizing this familiar diatribe.

      • Kim Hanna

        Mr. Ali Salim was in geography business, I believe last year, drawing and redrawing the map of the horn of Africa.
        He has a fertile mind for all kinds of hallucinations. He defines and redefines his words and phrases so that he can slip and slide in and out of points at any time in any direction.
        Have you ever had an argument with your computer tech. man. When you catch him red handed messing up, he hides between redefined terms and lingo. If you insist on bringing him back to the mess, he begins to insult you for being behind the times etc. (At least in this computer case the cost is dollars and cents)
        It is unfortunate these types of people are in politics as if they care about anybody but themselves.
        Even though, it is hard to do. The best one can do is Zem Malet new.

        K.H

    • Saba

      Don’t touch my cyber opposition, are you haile the great or haile the confused?

    • ALI-S

      Haile,

      I love the “gebremariam” analogy and how you applied it.

      It is actually the exact prudent wisdom that is keeping the opposition that can probably meet Ethiopian officials at will, from opening their mouth to say a word about the border issue. We should probably let the President’s Gebremariam head our opposition for a week. At least being “halay” he would have done something crazy to either get things straightened or to get the opposition kicked out of the mooching.

      But your point is valid. Although I didn’t get your point: why would suggesting the opposition to change course mean excluding them and from what? Do we have to have the TPLF as part of the package to include the opposition? I think we need “frank discussion” (:-)

  • Amanuel Hidrat

    Selam Younis Hossein (aka AS)

    This article unambiguously put Younis on to light – his U-turns and your last resting home every one to see. Your theory (which will remain your own theory only) is completely deviated from the universal theoretical approach of revolutions and social movements. You haven’t written such article with uncountable potholes to the extent that you can’t even run your political wheels by making the necessary patches on them. Now we saw your political discourse that takes you back to your political house once you run away from it. When you call un elected government, who came by sheer force without the consent of its people is legitimate, that in itself will allow as to put that tag price in front of your forehead everyone to see. This departure is not to the interest of our people nor to nation at all. So the debate and counter argument will heighten to its climax as we we proceed on this topic.

    Younis, as your analysis lack legs to stood by, at least theoretically if not practical on the landscape of Eritrean politics, you will have many twist and turns in your U-turn journey – and just take my word for grant. I will not mention here the potholes in your piece, hopefully I will come with counter argument to expose your political intrigues to sustain the status quo.

    • ALI-S

      Hey Emma,

      I look forward to your input on this. But just to draw your attention:

      in the absence of any hopes of the PFDJ introducing democratic elections that involve opponents, under best case scenarios (with comparable popularity to that of the EPLF of 1991), the opposition will have to come to power through a similar process. If you think this statement to be true, then the PFDJ is as legitimate as the one that will be replacing it.

      What do you think?

      • Amanuel Hidrat

        Younis,

        I don’t see the difference of EPLF and PFDJ. In the Ghedli era EPLF was run by secret party EPRP. They just transformed the EPRP party to PFDJ party in the 3rd congress of EPLF (the front) in 1993. The popularity of EPLF lead by EPRP the party in the early 90s was due to the successful completion of the armed struggle – the euphoria of being liberated and of course that doesn’t last long. You can’t play hair splitting at least with me. If I can throw a metaphor of science to shade light to your demagoguery, it is like “cytoplasm and nucleus in a cell”.Both cytoplasm and the nucleus must work together in order the cell to function. By that I mean, the cytoplasm is = to the base (rank and file)of EPLF, the nucleus = to the party EPRP and the cell= to the organization EPLF. IF the the rank and files as well as the Party didn’t work in sync together, the organization “EPLF” like the “cell” will not survive. So please spare from telling us EPLF and PFDJ are different.

  • tes

    The three ways are open to critisim, but are the possible options to the ultimate search. As these ways openely exclude movements that deviate from the main interest if national security, the main question of national security in its true sense must be re-defined. If not, the ways are just a converging political points underwhich the tyrant and totalitarian regime in Asmara is working on.

    Ali Salim, what is national security? What is Eritreanism? Is that what the old socialist countries define it? Are we really of such big FEAR PHOBIA to ruine the already sovereign Eritrean entity? PFDJ’s main claim is not different from what you mentioned.

    You mentioned PFDJ as a political party, come on. PFDJ is a political junta, a force that came through conspiracy. Here I will post my theory for the complexity of PFDJ politics. We need to have a broad understanding and simplifying the complexity into a simple model then only we can attack. But dividing or having different ways could only execute some and produce another division.

    • Amanuel Hidrat

      Selam Tes,

      will you tell us the source of this flow chart. It has some validity in the way the nature of the Eritrean government’s strategy and its activities. It is ball pointed description of the Eritrean government. Help us in citing this chart to utilize this flow chart in our argument. Thank you

      Amanuel Hidrat

      • tes

        Hi Amanuel, thank you for asking the citation (the source). And feel free to use if you find it helpful, as it is mine. I developed this model after deep contemplation of the Eritrean politics while I was in China as it is indicated in the page. As my understanding and as you have seen also, PFDJ’s politics is a multi-dimensional and complex in its application towards society. But EPLF coined to such a degree that by the name of Independence, and later, national sovereignity (security) and development, they stayed in their complexity.

        Therefore, it is my work and if you find it relevant, all is given in the paper. With great thanks and I feel good when Eritreans like you discuss the Eritrean politics in its broad and critical perspective openly for the welbeing of Eritrea.

        Tesfabirhan Weldegabir (tes)

        • Amanuel Hidrat

          Selam Tes,

          This is a well designed chart, very applicable to disclose the deceitful argument of Younis Hossein’s argument as to the legitimacy of the government of Issayas Afeworki, which his regime tramped or crushed all the rights of Eritrean people and putting our nation on the edge of free fall unless we act together to pull it from this catastrophe. One question to you though, why don’t put it in article form or post the whole paper in full , so the public could learn from it? Second that paper might also help you in framing the current Eritrean politics, which eventually take you to the road of developing solutions to our intractable Eritrean politics. Thank you for allowing us to utilize that flow chart to naked out the regime we have.

          Amanuel

          • Tesfabirhan WR

            Again thank you Amanuel. regarding the article, I am writing on my blog that will fully develop the theory that I have. I am going to post the full article sometime, but for the time being, I am writing on my blog of topics that enrich the model. And what I am writing is totally an exposure to people like Younis and PFDJ as well as its pfdj worshipers.

            The motive to develop such chart is my close observation and analysis of Eritrean tyrant regime since 2000 till I left Eritrea for my higher studies in 2012. I will send some parts of the articles that I am writing concering the model I put above. For the timee to being, feel free to share my blog.

            regards!

            http://tesfabirhanw.wordpress.com/2014/03/31/pfdj-structures-its-hardware-and-software-network-dissection-analysis-and-thinking-beyond-2/

    • Saba

      your paper fails to explain the help of the cyber opposition to pfdj survival and to oversize of the silent majority.

      • Saleh Johar

        Saba, are we to assume you have read Tes’s paper? Or you just guessed the content of the paper and decided it fails to explain what you wish it to explain?

        • Saba

          Sorry, i should specify it. I meant to say “this flow chart fails to explain….”. He did not post an article which means i have not read it. I am not as blindsided as you guys and i am open to ideas that explain the reality, not my wishes nor the wishes of the cyber opposition.

      • tes

        You never read the paper saba. Do not be in rush unless you are ill-tempered. If there is any points that you can critisize on this given chart, you are welcome, if not, don’t be short sighted. here is only what is given. if you want any further clarification, ask. that is how we can learn each other. Open your mind, that is how you can see your beauty.

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