Eritrean history clearly demonstrates that we have thoroughly and fundamentally failed in resolving that and other important issues. This could mainly be attributed to the lack of a culture and methodology of objective assessment and analysis of the reality, based on serious investigations and fact-finding processes, that would assist in identifying and dealing with the underpinning root causes in a proper way. Apparently almost all other attempts made were based on superficial, subjective, shortsighted and whimsical manner, usually falling short of finding a durable solutions for many crucial national issues—including that of national unity. It is timely that new approach and mechanisms are sought and adopted. This can be done by learning from our recent failures, and by capitalizing on the accumulated positive tradition that had sustained the peaceful coexistence of the nation across generations. That has always been the cornerstone in establishing and enhancing our national unity. It is also essential to underscore the importance of departing from the right premise; one that states justly and properly, and addresses the management of the question of diversity. That would be the right approach for attaining a lasting solution to the question of national unity.

Historical background:

For the most part, long before the advent of colonialism, the people who inhabited today’s Eritrea, had coexisted in a relatively peaceful way. Despite the differences in their mode of living, religions, cultures and ethnicity, they managed to coexist side by side. This coexistence was dictated by objective circumstances and the will of maintaining a peaceful and sustainable life. That was mainly based on the mutual recognition of each others’ rights and the acceptance of all forms of diversities; particularly the mutual recognition of one’s right of ownership of ancestral land—a strict observance of these rights was fundamental. 

Despite the lack of sustained stability and peace due to sporadic local skirmishes or raids from outside that were carried by the Ethiopian feudal warlords, the people had finally managed to retain a state of peaceful coexistence.. This was achieved by utilizing traditional conflict-resolving methods that helped in redressing the wrongs—and that led to  normalization. The peaceful coexistence that reigned for ages could have laid a solid foundation for building a durable national unity which was noticeably lacking during the nation forming periods.

The Egyptian-Ottoman occupations were limited t to have a noticeable  impact on the social order, because it was represented by a few garrisons that served as sentry fortresses to safeguard the symbolic presence to secure vital trade routes—mainly along the coastal and lowland regions.

The European Colonial powers and their scramble  to expand to new territories (colonies) driven by the demand of the economy of the colonial powers, and their thirst for raw materials and new markets,  unleashed a race of territorial expansion. Not concerned whether the delineated borders in the new occupied territories corresponded with the natural habitat of the native people, the new boundaries were arbitrary drawn dividing ethnic groups into  different countries. Such demarcation of borders motivated by colonial interests had disrupted the natural nation state building and developments processes. And this inherited colonial legacy has been a major source of border problems between countries and within nations of most of the Third World.

Like many other African countries, Eritrea is a consequence of such unnatural process of nation formation. Thus, the geographic boundaries and the composition of people within it does not correspond to the natural and original habitat of the ethnic groups. It is important to see the issues of  national unity and the problems it encounters, in light of this historical fact and from that perspective

The Italian colonial period was mainly characterised by the establishment of a strong central government established relative stability, enforcement of law and order, the building of infrastructure, noticeable economic developments which was mainly concentrated in urban centres where the Italian settlers lived surrounded by slams inhabited by the  native population, a reservoir of  work forces. The fertile rural agriculture areas were confiscated and what was left was underdeveloped and undisturbed to the full control of the traditional leader ship and administrative system. Despite the presence of a centralised government, there was some degree of self-rule enjoyed by the different components of the society. The Italians maintained this system by empowering the customary tribal leaders and exploited it for tax collection and also as mechanism of stabilisation and preserving the prevailing social peace and order in remote areas.  These developments created a pool of farm and industrial workers, a nucleus of an educated class, and a huge supply to recruit soldiers. It was during this period that massive recruitments to the army was started and which continued unabated—the recruits serving as canon fodder in the wars that the colonial expansionists waged.

All these factors, particularly living together as subjects of the same colonial power that resulted in  relatively long period of stability and peace. Where the chance of interaction and mobility of the people for work existed, frequent movement within the boundaries of the country, for job or other reasons helped to create communal consciousness, of attachments and belonging to one country and one destiny. That constituted the birth of Eritrean nationalism.

The British mandatory occupation succeeded after the defeat of the Italian colonial power and ushered a period  characterised by dramatic changes. The most noticeable positive achievement of this era was the relative expansion in education and civil liberties while its  negative aspect was the application of the notorious ‘divide and rule’ policy that disrupted the social relations; it had detrimental effects on the peaceful coexistence that had prevailed.

During that period, competing political parties with conflicting interests grew rampantly and they  were riddled by foreign influence. The parties  contributed to the polarisation and splitting of the society along religious fault lines. The Ethiopians spared no effort and time in driving the wedge even deeper to widen the rift. They unleashed the notorious Shifta gangs that spread terror among the proponents of independence. This left a long lasting dent on the fragile nascent national unity project.

The federal arrangement was a comprise solution to reconcile between diagnostically opposite aspirations and choices: full independence vis-à-vis union with Ethiopia. Theuntimely and conspiratorial abolishment of the federal system delivered a stunting blow to the hopes and endeavours of rebuilding the trust necessary to patch the damages that had already inflicted on the people during the period of self-determination;  and that has overshadowed our national struggles ever since.

The formation of the underground urban political resistance movement (Haraka or Mahber 7) shortly after had been succeeded by the armed struggle led by the ELF that was launched at the backdrop of a divided society. Thus it could not be at all surprising for combatants from the Kebassa fto be eyed suspiciously and feel  unwelcome at the early stages of the struggle. Albeit the clear stand and early realisation of the ELF of the necessity of winning back the Kebassa hearts and minds to the side of the revolution, where they naturally belong, as a prerequisite for securing an ultimate victory over Ethiopia, the mutual mistrust has remained.

The revolution was the optimum opportunity for forging strong and ever lasting national unity. The struggle for independence that all sectors ultimately joined had constituted a unity in purpose that should have, if properly exploited, furnished the solid ground for the establishing of stronger national unity. That chance was squandered by the leading political elites who were deeply involved in internal rivalry and power struggle, and that has negatively reflected on the goal of the strategic national unity. The different warring factions bitterly engaged in rounds of  bloody dog fights that every time had to terminate with the expulsion of the weaker side (Haraka, PLF, and ELF respectively). A law of the jungle where the strongest survived, applied. And all possible means were justified, including the soliciting of external forces to realise the end goal.

A political culture of intolerance and exclusion had been cultivated and become deeply enrooted. The erroneous concept that national unity could be imposed by the stronger side that totally monopolises power or that unity of the combatants in the field excludes multiplicity and demands that one organisation should exist and dominate. This was the logic that was used to justify the internecine wars that inflicted unnecessary deaths and sufferings on the combatants in different periods. The failure of all endeavours to achieve a sound national unity, and the later emergence and development towards full-fledged dictatorship, could be attributed to such mindset. No doubt that unity, both in purpose and means, of all fighting units, and the rallying of popular support behind the combatants, are prerequisite to victory, but the means used to attain that end should be equally important. The opportunistic motto of, the end justifies the means should not be accepted as the norm in resolving secondary contradictions.

Never has unity been considered a strategic issue, but it was dealt with tactically to win time to improve ones position on the ongoing power struggle between the fronts. The national unity talks and conferences that had been staged were not serious and were not meant to achieve unity but only as smokescreen to hide the ill intentions and an excuse to prepare for another round of fighting. Thus the conferences were but deluding manoeuvres where agreements were signed merely for local consumption to be finally shelved—sometimes  before the ink on the agreements dried, fresh round of fighting would break out to continue the vicious circle.

During the last decade of the struggle, the EPLF had finally succeeded in realising Isaias’ prophecy, a life long dream of monopolising power and becoming the sole decision maker, which he realised after forcefully evicting the ELF out of the field by conspiring with the TPLF.

Despite the scepticism and deep fear inspired by that action in considerable sector of the population, many have played down their fears, suspicions and continued to support the struggle for independence hoping that the anticipated independence would end the painful chapter of bitter internal attritions that tainted the struggle era for good and usher a new era of peace, freedom, justice, democracy and prosperity, where all stakeholders would enjoy equal citizenship rights. The honest dreamed of compensating the years of sacrifices and toils by ripened fruits of independence in the form of basic rights, freedoms, equal opportunities, fair share of power and resources.

The euphorbia that was created by the independence had exalted the feelings to unprecedented readiness to forgive and forget the past and create a favourable environment for social rapprochement.  And if the opportunity was properly utilised, it would have removed the barriers that were built over the years and replaced them with that of a harmonious and strongly united society and nation. That environment was the most optimum for forging an everlasting national unity. The opportunity was again squandered when against all logic and to the surprise of the entire population, the regime arrogantly persisted in its old detrimental policy of exclusionism, a policy that the EPLF has pursued ever since its inception. Thus it slammed the door shut in face of any reconciliatory and inclusive participatory nation building processes.

After independence, all Eritrean political organisations expressed their good will and unreserved readiness to  join and contribute their share in the process of nation building. The head of the regime, Isaias, not only adamantly rejected their offer but also denied their existence and restricted their return to their country to be on individual basis.

So far, the fallacious “hade libi hade hizbi” unity policy has been intransigently followed despite the grave consequences it has entailed and which has exposed the country to greater risks of disintegration. The regime has displayed its true nature expressing antagonistic attitude and committing atrocities against certain sectors of the population that gradually and ultimately extended to include all. The basic socio-political determinant factors for maintaining unity and the cohesiveness of the social fabrics were flagrantly abused. All forms of transgressions, injustices, oppressions and malpractices were carried on the ethnic groups, religions, cultures, languages, land and geography. The effect was alarmingly detrimental on the unity and integrity of the nation. The saving of the nation from breaking up and turning into another Somalia demands the immediate changing of the incumbent regime and replacing it with a democratic system.

The ever fractured, rampantly growing and continuously bickering opposition groups are but a true reflection and a measure of the miserable state that our national unity has suffered from. Despite the realisation of the fact that no single opposition organisation by itself could bring about any change, was the reason d’être for the EDA that has now been upgraded to ENCDC, but still a collective institutionalised work culture under the umbrella of a national alliance is absent. Practically, each organisation works separately for its own narrow organisational interests, continuously squabbling about petty differences and bitterly engaged in an untimely power struggle. That is elongating the life of the unpopular regime and in the eyes of the people, discrediting the opposition as a viable alternative to the regime.

The cry and demand of the day, that is  made from all corners, is the immediate change of the regime. But first we need to make a basic change in our perception, attitude and practices concerning the issue of national unity. Change could only be possible if we stop thinking in the old ways that had in the first place created the problem that we are trying to  solve.

An objective appraisal of our recent past clearly demonstrates that our failure to achieve a durable national unity is mainly attributed to the erroneous perception and practice, stemming from the culture of hegemony and exclusion, that that has been adopted by the ruling elites. The inter-parties struggles during the period of self-determination, the civil wars during the armed struggle, and post-independence failure of forming a national state, all have been clear attestation to the fallacy of the premise that national unity could be forcefully imposed by the power of the day against the will and interests of the other national components.

The basis of any sustainable and durable national unity project should be based on:

1. A voluntary unity in diversity that accommodates the interests of all the national components. 
2. Establishing a durable unity on the basis of creating strong material bonds of common interest that binds all stakeholders. This is far from the traditional approach based on empty demagogic national rhetoric that evokes temporary emotions that are manipulative and short-lived.
3. Guaranteeing and granting equal citizenship rights and entitlements in theory and practice to all citizens that are considered equal in rights and duties before the law, irrespective of ethnic, region, gender or religion, or backgrounds.
4. The acknowledgement of the Eritrean diversity in all its forms, observing the rights associated with it, and facilitating its implementation in functional equality.
5. The creation of favorable conditions for establishing a durable national unity that requires not only the acknowledgment of injustices perpetuated, but also taking resolute actions to deal with and redress them properly to the effect of mending the damaged social fabric and enhancing the underlying basis for building trust, confidence and social peace necessary through the process of a national reconciliation, a precondition for a sound and lasting unity.
6. Application of positive discrimination in development projects favoring the  marginalized and underdeveloped regions to maintain fair and even developments, and also guarantee that all have equal and open access to employment and other occupational and public service opportunities.
7. The recognition of the right to self-determination which is a basic human and universal right. It facilitates and guarantees the application of justice and the preservation of strong, voluntary and enduring national unity. Self-determination, in essence, is nothing but the realization of the “free and voluntary unity” , a consensual agreement reached by all parts in the ENCDC conference held in 2011.  But there should be constitutional mechanisms and restraints that guarantee it is properly exercised to reflect the genuine interests and concerns of the people and ultimately enhance the consolidation of durable unity of the country and people.
8. Unity has to embrace the common interests and address the concerns of all Eritreans in parity.

A new national unity project that should be based on critical and objective appraisal of our past history and our current reality is needed. This unity must be free from the bias and negative hegemonic cultural legacy that is practiced and that was behind our repeated failures so far. We need to establish a totally different version on the basis of mutual trust, acceptance and recognition of the rights and interest of all and each other. Practically, to achieve such viable and durable unity, all stakeholders should be part of the process and be motivated by the fact that they have a share in the  common interest which they should preserve and voluntarily uphold. A national unity project that should be based on establishing material bonds that would constitute a net of common interests and rights that connect the fate of all concerned national components to each other far from the traditional  approach. The first step in the right direction to attain that goal should be to unequivocally define and reach consensus on the underlying principles and basis of the process in light of the spirit of the Political Charter (adopted in the National Congress). This should be followed by the full endorsement of these principles in future constitution and their adoption in transitional government’s policy guidelines as reassurance and as a token of goodwill showing that the aspired change when realised would also establish a durable national unity.

ዓርቢ ጕንበት 25 ኣብ ዋሽንግቶን ዲሲ ሓይል  ኣውዲቕካ ምሕላፍ ጸወታ ፖለቲካ ክካይድ’ዩ፡፡ እዚ ኣብ መንጎ ጋንታ “ንሕናን ሕዝብን” “ንሕና ንሱን” ዝካይድ ሓያል ጸወታ ከይምልጠኵም ቖጸራዅም ኣብ ዲሲ ይዅን፡፡ ጋንታ ንሕና ንሱ፡ በቲ ንልዕሊ ዕስራ ዓመት ከይተቐየረ ዝመርሖም ኣስልጣኒኦም ተመሪሖም፡ ኣብቲ ኣቀዲሙ ዝተገብረ ዓለምላኻዊ ናይ ምሕዝነት( ዲፕሎማሲ) ጸወታ ዓስርተ ሰለስተ ብባዶ ስለ ዝተፋነው( ኣይነበሩን ምባል ይቐልል…ብፎርፌት ተሳዒሮም) ካብ መድርኽ ጸወታ ዓለም ብምጋዶም፡ ዳኛ ዓሚጾና፡ ናይ መስመር ደያኑ ድማ ዘይሮምና እምበር ስዕረት ናትና’ዩ ነይሩ ብዝብል ቅርሕንቲ፡ ኣብ ልዕሌና ዓመጽ ስለ ዝተፈጸመ፡ እቲ ጸወታ ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ክድገም ኣለዎ ዝብል ጥርዓና ናብ ፊፋ ንምቕራብ፡ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ ጸዊዖም ኣለው፡፡ ማዕረ ማዕረ እዚ ግና ድሕሪ ስዕረቶም ሞራሎም ባይታ ዘቢጡ ዝነበረ ተጻውቶምን ደገፍቶምን ካብ ሞት ንምብርባር፡ ኣስልጣኒኦም ብጹኑዕ ሓሚሙ፡ ሞቱ እውን ዘይተርፎ እዩ ዝብል ወረ ባዶ ሰለሰተ ብምዝራው፡ ድራማ ፈጢሮም፡ ንኣስልጣንኦም “ ንሱ” ከም ኣልኣዛር ካብ ሞት በተግ ኢሉ ብምባል፡ ኣብ ጸወታ ፖለቲካ ንምምላስ ላዕልን ታሕትን ኣይገደፎን፡፡ ነዚ ጸወታ ብኣላይነት ትመርሖ እኳ ስርኤል ቀትሪ እንተኾነት፡ ኣስልጣኒ “ንሱ” ብኢንፉጅን እንዳተኣለየ፡ ካብ ባጽዕ፡ ብኣራብ ሳት ሳትላይት ክቖጻጸሮን ክከታተሎን መደባት ወጺኡ ከም ዘሎ፡ ቲቪ ልቅብቅብ ካብ ኣስመራ ሓቢራ ኣላ፡፡ ዝኾነ ተጻዋታይ ጋንታ ንሕና ንሱ ካብ ትእዛዝ “ንሱ” ወጺኡ እንተኸይዱ፡ ኣሽንባይ ዶ ብህይወቱ ከሎ ዓዲ ክርኣይ እንተሞተ እውን ረሲኡ ዓዲ ከይምለስ ገዚቱ ኣሎ፡፡ በዚ ጋንታ ንሕና ንሱ ኣብ ሜዳ ወሪዳ ብዓቕማ ክትስዕር ዘለዋ ተኽእሎ ዝማህመነ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ገዛ ገዛ እንዳደወልካ ደገፍቲ ንምብዛሕ “ ሬሳ ንዓዲ ምስዳድ፡ ሎሚ ናብ ዲሲ ምኻድ” ብዝብል ቴማ ሰባት የፈራርሑ ምህላውም ይንገር፡፡ ብመንጽሩ ጋንታ “ ንሕና ሕዝቢ” ሞራላ ኣብቲ ዝለዓለ ጠርዚ ነኺስሉ ኣብ ዘሎ እዋን “ ስመር ንሓመድ ድበ ምልኪ” ብዝብል ቴማ ኣብ ልዕሊ ጋንታ “ ንሕና ንሱ” ሓንሳብን ናይ ሓዋሩን ክትስዕር እዅል ምድላዋት ገይራ ከም ዘላ፡ ተንተንቲ ይገልጹ፡፡ ደገፍቲ እዛ ጋንታ ካብ ሙሉእ ዓለም ናብ ዲሲ ይውሕዙ ከም ዘለው ድማ ይንገር፡፡ በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ካብ ደጋፊት ጋንታ “ ንሕና ንሱ” ዝኾነት መሓዙቻ ረኺብና ሓጺር ቃል መሕተት ገይርናላ ነይርና፡፡ ሰናይ ምክትታል፡

መሓዙቻ ሞባይላ ምምላስ ኣብያ- እንታይ ወሪድዋ! ጭርርርርርር… ተበልካስ ወይከ!………..ትኽ ኣቢላስ ናብ መሰጅ ክንዲ ትወስደካ ድማ “ ኣርሃ ንበር ኣርህ ንበር….ዓለም ጸገማታ ክትምርምር” ትብል ናይ ድምጻዊት ሄለን መለስ ሙዚቃ ደበኽ ትብለካ፡፡ ሎሚ ሎሚስ እታ ደርፊ ክሰምዓ ከለዅ ሕቕታ ክሕዘኒ ሓደ ይኸውን፡፡ ንዓቐብ ዘብል ሒቕ…….ኣለዅም ሚሽ…..ትጽይኖ መግቢ………ብዝኾነ ክጽመሞ ነይሩኒ…ካልኣይ ግዜ….ሳልሳይ ግዜ….ራብዓይ ግዜ…..ሞያ ጋዜጤኛ ከምዚ ዲዩ? ኣይበላዕ፡፡ መዓት ስራሕ እባ’ዩ ዘለዎ! ተኸሺሉ እንዳሰማዕናዮ ኢና ቀሊል ዝመስለኒ እምበር ከቢድ ጾር’ዩ፡፡ ሕስብ እሞ ኣብልዎ ከም መሓዙቻ ዝኣመሰላ ቃል-መሕተት ክትገብር ዘሎ ሃልኪ! በቃ! ንመሓዙቻ ረኺበ ከዛርባ እሞ ቶባ ድሕሪ ደጊም ስራሕ ጋዜጤኛ! ዘይባዕለይ ንባዕለይ’የ ተቖጺረ…..ቦስ የብለይ….ሓለቓ የብለይ…ባዕለይ ንነብሰይ ፋይር…..እንተበልክዎ ኸ? ደቂ ዓደይ ድኣ…..ሓዊ ኣጕዱ ኢሎም ቢንቦሪ ከይጽውዑለይ እምበር……ፋይርኣብ

በቃ! ንሎሚ……ዕድለይ ዶ…..ሓንሳብ ክፍትን…….ጭርርርርርርርር….ጭርርርርርርርርር…

መሓዙቻ፡ ሃሎ………..ብርጭቖየይ…..ደንጊዅኒ እንዲኺ ዓቕለይ ከጽብብ ጸኒሔ……ሙሉእ መዓልቲ በቃ ብኣኺ ክሓስብ፡፡ ውራይ እኮ ኣትዩና…..

ጋዜጤኛ…..እእእ…….

መሓዙቻ፡ እዋእ ብርጭቖየይ….ኣብዝሕ ኣቢልክን ሕንባሻ ኣዳልዋ ዝብል ትእዛዝ ካብ ውሽጢ ዓዲ መጺእና ኣሎ፡፡ካብ ግዳም ዝመጹ ጌይስት ኣለውና…..ናባኽን ኢዩ ክወድቕ እዚ ወራይ ሃገር….ይብሉ ኣለው…..እሞ……እተን ሕንባሻስ ኣባኺ’የን መዓሪተይ…..

ጋዜጤኛ…..እሕሕ……

መሓዙቻ……..ኮልድ ዲዩ ሑዙኺ…..ጎረረኺ ዓርኒሱ……..ብርጭቖየይ እዛ ካፍሲ ኵሉ ግዜ ትድንድነኪ…..ሳመር ኣይትብል ዊንተር ኣይትብል…..ስኵሳ መሓዙቻ…..ፕሮቲን ዘለዎ መግቢ እንዲኺ ዘይትወስዲ ኮይንኪ….ደሓር ከኣ…..ንነብስኻ ዘይኮነ ንመን ክኸውን…..ዶላር ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍርናሽ ምቕባር ግደፍዮ……ኪርኪርኪር……..ኦኦኦ……ኣነ እኮ እዛ መልሓሰይ ኢያ ምስ ፌሬንድስ ተባእሰኒ…..

ጋዜጤኛ…….እሕሕ…….ይቅሬታ መሓዙቻ…….ዘረባኺ ከወድኣኪ……ኢለ’የ

መሓዙቻ፡ ተሞንቖስ….ኣታ ሑሱም ትም ኢልካ ሃለው ተብለኒ….እንታይ ገበረዅኻ…..? እንታይ ደሊኻ ኢኻ ደዊልካለይ……?

ጋዜጤኛ፡ ቀልጢፍኪ እሞ ሕርቕ ሕርቕ ኣይትበሊ መሓዙቻ….ኣነ እኮ ኣኽቢረ ኢየ ብዛዕባ እዚ ጕንበት 25 ኣብ ዲሲ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ…ቍሩብ ሓበሬታ ደልየ ነይረ!
መሓዙቻ፡ መዓስ ኣነ ኣቦካቶ…ኮይነ…..ነቶም ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ደዊልካ ዘይተዛርቦም…ንዓይ ሞኽ ተብለኒ…..ስኵሳ ታይም የሎን…..ቢዚ ኢየ….

ጋዜጤኛ፡ ናብ ኵሎም ሓቲተ…ኣነ መሰል የብለይን ንዝምልከቶ ኣካል ተወከስ ስለ ዝበሉኒ….ኣብ መወዳእታ ግና ሓላፊት ሃማመድኤ ኣብ ዲሲ ንስኺ ሙዃንኪ ስለ ዝተነግረኒ ኢየ፡፡

መሓዙቻ፡ እዋእ መን’ዩ ከሙኡ በሃሊ? መን ኢዩ ንመሓዙቻ ሓላፊት ሃማመድኤ ገይሩ ዝመረጻ…….?
ጋዜጤኛ፡ ሓደ ኣብ ኢምባሲ ኤርትራ ዝሰርሕ’ዩ፡፡ ሽሙ ንግዚኡ ዓቒበዮ ኣለዅ፡፡

መሓዙቻ፡ እዎዎ….ኣታ ቖልዓ ንስኻ ጠንቓም ኢኻ! ጽባሕ ንግሆ መሓዙቻ ከምዚ ኢላ ተዛሪባ ተባህለ ሬሳይ ዓዲ ከይዱ ክቕበር ኣይትደልየንን ዲኻ? ዶስ ኣብዚ ከረፍ ኢለ ኣብዚ ክቕበር ‘ዩ እቲ ድሌትካ?
ጋዜጤኛ፡ ሬሳኺ ዓዲ ከይከይድ ድኣ መን ክኽልክለኪ? መሰልኪ ዶ ኣይኮነን?

መሓዙቻ፡ ኣታ ለፍ ከተብለኒ እሞ መሊእካ…ኣብዘይ ጣጣይ ከተእተውኒ እምበር መዓስ ጠፊኡካ……? ካብዞም ናትና ዲኻ ኸ? እቲ ሕቶኻስ ሚክስ ይኾነኒ ኣሎ….

ጋዜጤኛ፡ እወ ኤርትራዊ ሙዃነይሲ ኣይትጠራጠርሉ፡፡

መሓዙቻ፡ ዓቕመይ ዝኽእሎ እንተኾይኒ ክምልስ’የ……ስኵሳ ግና ሕቶኻ ሄቪ ኣይትግበሮ…ብዙሕ ስኮላ ኣይቖጸርኵን፡፡

ጋዜጤኛ፡ የቐንየለይ መሓዙቻ፡፡ ዕላማ እዚ ኣብ ዲሲ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ እንታይ’ዩ?

መሓዙቻ፡ ነዚ ሕቶ ኢልካ ዲኻ? እዋእ እስኵዛ……..ወዲ ኣፌ እዚ መተካታ ዘይብሉ ኣንበሳ ሳሕል ሞይቱ ዶ ሓሚሙ…..ኢሎም….ኣብዚ ዲሲ መጺኦም ሆሊደይ ክገብሩ ይሓስቡ ኣለው እዞም ከደምቲ ወያነ ምስ ሰማዕና…..እዚ እሞ ፈጺሙ ዘይከውን’ዩ ኢልና…..ሰልፊ ንውጻእ ተባሃሂልና፡፡ ደሓር ከኣ ትእዛዝ ካብ ዓዲ መጺኡ….እዞም ጨነውቲ መንግስታት ሑቡራት…ዩኒ ዲዮም ዝብልዎም ባዕልኻ ኣስተኻኽሎ ….ኣብ ልዕሌና እገዳ ስለ ዝገበሩ ነገር ከይምጹኡ ከለው ብህጹጽ ከልዕልዋ ድምጽና…..ከነስምዕ….ኡይ ክንብል ኢና…..ተዓጢቕና ዘሎና….ሕርድ ደኣ ይበሉ እሞ ወዲ ኣፌስ ካብ ሞት ተሲኡ’ዩ እዞም ሓሳዳት ንሱስ ገና ብብርኵ’ዩ ዘስተንፍስ ዘሎ…..

ጋዜጤኛ፡ ሕራይ ጽቡቕ መሓዙቻ፡፡ ወዲ ኣፌ ሓሚሙ ኣሎ፡ ሞይቱ እውን ይኸውን ዝብል ወረ ምስ ሰማዕኪ እስኪ ዝተሰማዓኪ ንገርኒ?

መሓዙቻ፡ እዛ ሃርት ኣብዛ ቅርቅርተይ ሕዝል…..ብደወይ ሰልውለው ኢሉኒ….ብርሃጽ ጥምቕ ኢለ……ሽኮረይ ላዕሊ ደይባ….ዕልውሎው ኢሎኒ ኣብ ፍሎር ዝርግሕ ኢለ በቃ…..ሰብኣየይ ኮልድ ዋተር ኣፍሲሱ እንተዘበራብረኒ ነይሩ…ብኣ ኣቢለ ስቱኽ ምበልኵ፡፡ ብድሕሪ ንሓሙሽተ መዓልቲ መመላእታ ኣይበልዕ ኣይሰቲ ድንስቲ ኮይኑ…..ይትስእ’የ ኣይበልኵን፡፡

ጋዜጤኛ፡ ደሓር ደኣ ከመይ ኢልኪ ሓዊኺ ማለት ሕክምና ዶ ከይድኪ?

መሓዙቻ፡ ድሕሪ ወዲ ኣፌ እንታይ እሞ ክንብረሉ? ኣብ በድ ከለዅ ሞት ይውሰደኒ ኢየ ኢለ ነይረ፡፡ ሰብ ዝበሃል ኣጽሊኡኒ በቃ! እዛ ሞባይለይ ዕረፍቲ ዘይብላ ለይቲ ምስ መዓልቲ ጪርጪር…..ክትብል ሞኽ ምስ ኣበለኒ…..ምስ መንደቅ ኣላሂመ እንተሓደግክዋ….ፍንጥሕ…ኢላ ኣሰራ ሲኢነያ፡፡

ጋዜጤኛ፡ እዋእ ክሳዕ ክንዱኡ?

መሓዙቻ፡ ናብ ብልብኻ ዲኻ? እምበር ዶ ካብዞም ናትና ዲኻ? ሕቶኻ ዘበለ ጨው የብሉን፡፡ እስኵዛ…..ከይደ ኣለዅ….ሽኮረይ ከይተላዕለለይ……..ባይ…….ገም………

ጋዜጤኛ፡ ሃሎ……ሃሎ…..ሃሎ…..መሓዙቻ! ወይከ….
ቃል-መሕትተይ መዛዘሚ ክገብረሉ ደጊመ ምስ ደወልክላ፡
ኣርሃ ንበር ኣርሃ ንበር ዓለም ጸገማታ ክትምርምር…….
ኤህ ደኣ በዓል መሓዙቻስ……ጸገምክን ግዳ ዘይትምርምራ!

Small wonder then that this harsh perpetual attack seems to be absolutely necessary. The chairman of the ENCDC and the EDA are now proved to be the obstacles to the idea of transformation and collective leadership. None of them dare to speak a word about transformation, for mortal fear of negating their political cultures as “old-school of politics.” In fact they are telling us that “transformation is dissolution” and it is insane. Indeed they are really from the old school of politics, who even don’t understand the difference of “transformation” and “dissolution.” Please tell them transformation is not dissolution.

For most of us, may be, such things will leave us feeling righteous and tough enough to bring EDA to its knees. They are actually making us feel surrounded by girdle concern, if not from moral questions, from pragmatic ones who hold us hostages of doing-nothing. Indeed thoughtful dissection of the “bygone decades with no political carousal” is at a premium and of course a lesson to our young.

Worse, in a system of stagnation, followed by severe resistance, the insanity does not end with hindering ENCDC from functioning. In his unseasonably ugly gig, the chairman of the ENCDC came to a pal-talk room to disclose the internal communications between members of the council in North America and his office. Sad as it maybe, it is a signal to the public to role their eyes and show a “nod of disapproval” to his leadership. A leader who cannot put his house in order can not make ENCDC a formidable organization, with its diversity intact, to lead the opposition camp. What a disaste! Six month since the congress was concluded and nothing came out from the information office, the political office of the ENCDC, and, the office of chairman for that matter. The three political documents (the products of the congress) are not yet disseminated to the public to be owned by the public domain. Strikingly though, the one thing that is certain in this saga is that the EDA members do not even evolve at the pace of the Galapagos tortoises that Darwin studied.

Am I doing offsite kinetics? Of course yes. I am trying to give relevant information to those who have a vested political interest in ENCDC and opt for making the new umbrella successful. Yes, I want them to voice their views on the “do-nothing leadership,” to create a new dynamics that would exert pressure, or Shake the leadership, like a kinetic watch to do their work. But do they have the ability to repair their own kinetics? I doubt.

Woefully out of touch, EDA leaders are always in their room, everyday and every night, sometimes whispering and sometimes shouting in a vacuum, but always reminding us that they are the authority without legitimacy hanging in without a balance. There is no creativity and intellectual visibility in their closed house, reaping paralysis and sub-standard organizational maturity for decades. Currently, their hope to lead has evaporated like so many tequila shots at a frat party.  But unfortunately, lost in the sideshow, is the real dream of our people in the scheme of the PFDJ and emasculated leadership of the EDA. Everything they do is not about justice; it is about dogma politics that does not evolve.

Raw Instinct and the Cycle of Power

President Clinton once rationalized the acts of criminals and drug users, and he said “too often the same criminals and drug users’ cycle through the court, corrections, and probation system, but still hooked on drugs and still committing crime to support their habits.” He argued that the authorities should intervene at early stages. Quite frankly, in the same breath, energy, and vitality, the same EDA leadership is recycling from conferences and congresses with the same outcome and of course with no personal and political transformation. Their leadership is recycled with their power addiction, time after time. And worse, they become blatant in their power grab and their bases making endless excuses for and covering up their leaders’ failure. This is the reality in the politics of the opposition camp with no difference to the PFDJ leaders in terms of power addiction. If this parable does not ring bell, it means we haven’t seen their congresses, haven’t read their gospels, and we aren’t familiar with their leaders.

Astoundingly, they could not understand the decades of public shrug of shoulders. Their failure was and is downplayed equally by their members as a little bit of blip – a word defined as a small and inconsequential. As of now, the public understands them as a group of complementary part that continues to a single effect of “stagnancy and crises.” Then, what can be done?

A little attempt was done in the last congress to transform them from their archaic political structure. New super-structure was designed and new workable Roadmap was introduced. Instead of working on the changes and new leadership, they want to morph like a cash entitlement for power unions. Ops, power unions without power base! Or a dream for power usurpation! No. Our hope is that the public will keep clubbing them until they submit, indeed with ever searching gaze of tried-and-true and reliable resistances, to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle.

If scientists had clearer concept of biogenesis – the emergences of life on earth, or if chemistry and biology were advanced enough to detect “shadow life” it would have been easy for us to make a comprehensive parallel study to the “shadow power” of the EDA and how they are causing a clot in the major political artery of the ENCDC. But in the absence of the above, a friend gave a short synopsis to this phenomenon.

Surprisingly, at one point of our discussion my friend told me an off-color kind of joke. He said: You see buddy, coming up with new political structure and workable roadmap is one thing and leaving EDA on the saddle is another thing. Right away I felt like a mom’s discomfort, caused by holding conflicting cognitions called “cognitive dissonance.” Oh lord! Trying to transform the untransformable-EDA and believing in a big tent have caused on me uncomfortable conflicting thoughts. How about making a cracking sound, like whip-cracking to demand obedience and efficiency in a stern manner? Isn’t that what I am doing anyway? If this doesn’t work, the theory of “big tent” is not feasible at least within the Eritrean political context, because, an umbrella within an umbrella is not really a big tent, it is like creating a space of contention for two different political interests—the EDA and the rest of ENCDC in one medium. Ask yourself a moral and a political question to EDA, if the executive body of the ENCDC is EDA members, why do they need their own executive body? Is it a harness to hold the ENCDC from moving?

EDA and the Marshmallow Test

I don’t trust the EDA umbrella because it is an alliance of one marshmallow eaters. What do I mean by that? The marshmallow test is a great psychological experiment conducted in 1972 by Professor Walter Mischel, a psychologist at Stanford University. How does it work? You set a group of four year old children in a room with a marshmallow and promise them another if they can wait a few minutes before eating the first. Then the children are left in the room alone for some minutes with a diabolic temptation to eat the marshmallow until the expert is back. Some couldn’t wait to grab the plate and eat the marshmallow and others find ways to destruct themselves and deferred gratifications to win the reward (the second marshmallow).

What makes Mischel’s experiment important is that he found those who managed to wait tend to be successful in school. In other words, it turns out that the self-controlled intelligence is a key predictor of future success. Therefore, according to this concept, people who are able to delay gratifications for la ong period of time are more likely to become successful in life.

What about the EDA? It is accused of being a one marshmallow eater. Its whole strategy is premised on not taking the marshmallow of “transformation” but opts to cling on thing that gives its leaders an instant gratification to their power addiction.

Consider a scenario for a moment: similar to the last month’s drama and the whereabouts of our despot. Assume it was true that the despot was dead and the power holders from inside made a call for a government of a national unity. There is no a single formidable organization, I mean real formidable, that has real political leverage to work for transitional government of national unity. EDA is an umbrella of clusters of political organizations and when the call hits their homes, each organization will be on its own. Think about it. EDA is not one party but many small parties. With such existence, they will all be losers. Changes and transformation which includes merging and evolving into parties is quintessential before such kind of scenario hits your homes. This power addiction in the hinterland will make you always one marshmallow eaters. The platform of the ENCDC which is still under your leadership will give you a new face, a new political life, and a fertile ground for new political revenue, if and only if, you avoid the unnecessary archaic EDA umbrella.

 Bold Approach Urged for Transformation

We need new ideas, new action, and new argument, focusing on the big picture, the details will eventually work themselves out. EDA in its recent press release, quoting some provisions from the constitution of the umbrella, tried to hit back to the questions of transformation, and argued that there is no legality in the public pressuring them, even if it was for the benefit of the organizations that constitute the EDA umbrella.

For EDA footing, the shifting legal-sand is not a way out, for there is no legal binding between the EDA and the public at large in the ever changing Eritrean political landscape. All the quoted provision has to do within the organizations in the umbrella with no legal binding with the public [EDA release]. The public demand is not on legal merits, it is on the demerits of their political existence. For so long, we are constantly reminded that for EDA working with the people’s representative is a political heresy, losing completely their ability to even explore alternatives.

Back to my chemistry class: oil and water are improbable to mix in a laboratory oil/water density experiment. No matter how many times we try to mix them, they will always separate from each other at room temperature. The same thing goes for bad relationship, be it in politics or simple human relationships. For years we fought to bring the interest of the public and the interest of the EDA organizations in one page. Albeit, we found it difficult to attain; no matter how hard and reasonable the approach might have been.

But at cold temperature, the oil freezes faster and becomes denser, and it starts to settle at the bottom of the beaker. That is the way we separate the oil from the water, if we need to by the way. Therefore, there is a big warning for the EDA here: if the public is outraged there are different political alternatives to alienate you and make your political stock market hit deep to the bottom. The warning signs and symptoms are clearly on the wall for you to do something before it is too late.

At this moment, EDA is an overgrown circus act and a featured freak show that could not guarantee any kind of change. We know the pope only speaks infallibility when it comes to dogma, and we know EDA’s fallibility when it comes on the issue of democratic transformation. It is a matter of consciousness – and yes the degree of consciousness. According to the Encyclical Dignitatis humane, the public will not be forced to act contrary to their conscience, but could make a flagrant departure from the entrenched predisposition of the EDA, and the rupture will be rejoiced and lamented depending on the protagonists. There is a big lesson for the EDA if they have the ability to learn. Watch the public mood, and their demand, and act accordingly.

Conclusion

We dare not fearful of foxes, raccoons, coyotes, tigers, and other predators in our politics. We face them as they are. Again, there are some migratory butterflies that are confused by the climate change within our politics. Tell them as it is, and keep them on tune to the songs, before the season of migration starts. Yap, Red admirals also are not uncommon, but we rarely notice them when their political agenda is modest, as they usually are.

Surely, when the new spring comes, the new generation will soon begin migrating and repopulating the opposition camp. The new arrivals (our young) will shortly lay eggs and we may be dancing to the same tune for sometime, before the season of debacle is out. Our young have speed and energy, but they need direction and at the same time they need to get their feet on the ground.

There are plenty of blame to go around the EDA for this season of debacle for limping throughout the years. Indeed there are plenty of facts out there that everyone of the EDA organizations deserves a share of the blame. Now EDA’s political power is steeped into a strange idiom of vanity and personal glory, unable and unwilling to transform in a visible display, with an elixir of immorality escaping from the confines.

Today, we began with the release of keeping the promise. We say it loudly, that we can’t feed the hungry Eritrean people, but we can be the purveyors of hope and truth. This is coming from the proactive democratic street credo. And of course we are not going to bully our “classmates in this politics” who are united by the “faith of transformation.” But here is today’s message and it is simple: if the arts aren’t at the table, it is because the artists and art advocators aren’t taking their seats, just to echo my friend’s grievances in my own word.

Tebeges@yahoo.com

فبعد ظهوره حياً ، سعدت كثيرا ربما ياتى اليوم الذى ينال فيه العقاب. وبالرغم من ذلك ينتابنى الحزن ببقائه على قيد الحياة لأن هناك اسر تنتظر عودة ذويهم واقاربهم الذين يقبعون فى الزنازين والمعتقلات.

 لقد طغى هذا النبأ على الساحه ويدل ذلك على فراغها وليس وجود للمعارضة . للاسف أوراقنا مبعثرة ليس هناك اى بصيص من الأمل ، ووكلنا الامر لعذرائيل .. حالنا كحال التائه فى الصحراء غلبته الحيله ولم يرى فى الافق شيء سوى الفضاء الفسيح فسلم امره للقدر.

• عجباً للبيانات التى صدرت :

v  المشهد الاول : كم أبكانى المشهد المسود بالتصريحات الصحفيه والبيانات السياسيه يناشدون فيها تلاميذ الدكتاتور لتسليم السلطة فورا. تأملوا معى المشهد حامى عرين الدكتاتوريه يطالبونه بتسليم السلطة  ويتم  التودد والتوسل اليه عبر بيانات ، مؤشر على سذاجة موقف المعارضة . ظهورها فى صورة باهته ومبعثرة كأوراق الخريف.

 اين الوثائق والاوراق التى تمت مناقشتها باواسا ( خارطة طريق وغيرها ) أليس لتكون بمثابة عهد وميثاق بين القوة السياسيه ولا سيما فى ظل ظروف هكذا؟ لماذا التنظيمات المنضويه تحت لواء المجلس الوطنى تمايلت مع خبر الاشاعه عبر القنوات الحزبيه وكأننا فى سباق مع الزمن من اجل الوصول إلى السلطة عبر الاقدار. ألم يتفق الجميع فى إبدال الحفنة الحاكمة بنظام ديمقراطي تعددى يكفل حق الجميع فى المشاركة ؟؟ لماذا التراجع عن ذلك !! كانت البيانات بمثابة شيك على البياض لتقاسم السلطة مع ورثة اسياس . هل مشكلتنا مع شخص اسياس ام مع نظام يمارس الاستبداد ؟

نداء وتودد كان لمن ياترى؟ بينما الموقف السائد بين اطراف المعارضة الجفاء والمقاطعه. لماذا لم تخرج التنظيمات التى تنضوى تحت المجلس الوطنى ببيان موحد ومشترك؟ أوعلى الاقل تفويضه للتعامل مع المستجدات طالما هناك تمثيل للجميع ؟ أليس هذا أول سقوط فى خطابنا السياسي وحوارنا مع النظام!

 فاذا كانت هناك دعوة صادقه من النظام للجلوس مع المعارضة ، يا ترى مع من يتفاوض؟ مع حزب الشعب أم مع التحالف أم مع المجلس الوطنى أم مع كل تنظيم على حدا ؟ بالطبع على غرار الإشاعه الكل سيركض وسيتم فكفكة هذه المظلات السياسيه . للاسف تعطش للسلطة عبر بوابة التواكل والإتكال.

فان مات اسياس فمخالبه باقيه .  فى حال حدوث فراغ فى السلطه معارضتنا المبعثرة مثل القنبلة الانشطاريه بعد إرتطامها بالارض هل تستطيع لملمة اطرافها وهى عاجزة ان تفعل ذلك لعشرين عام؟! بالفعل سوف تتناحر وتتقاتل وتمارس الاقصى من اجل الوصول واحتكار السلطة.

للاسف هناك من يحاول اعادة الخطأ مرة اخرى لم نتعلم من الماضى . بعد التحرير الكثير حزم امتعته الى اسمرا للبحث عن المصالح الذاتيه وضرب بالمبادئ عرض الحائط …

v  المشهد الثانى : المعارضة لم تستفد من التفاعل الشعبى الذى كان على استعداد لإحداث التغيير باى ثمن مما اجبر الدكتاتور للخروج الى العلن وهذا مؤشر على تأكيد الرفض وعدم القبول . المعارضة فقدت الحاسه السياسيه مع تعاطيها للاحداث  ، للاسف لم تلامس رغبات الشعب أخفقت فى ترجمة مشاعره. كنا نتوقع ان تستفيد من الزخم الشعبي وتهز اركان النظام عبر وجودها الفعلى حتى ينعكس صداها داخل الوطن وتفرض نفسها كبديل للنظام ، بالتاكيد كانت هذه الخطوات ستؤدى لانهيار النظام . وايضا بالتوازى مع ذلك تعمل على تقليص التباين وكسر الجمود وتليين المواقف فيما بينها ، حتى تقطع الطريق امام ورثة الدكتاتور وهذه الخطوات كانت ستؤكد انها اهلا للتغيير.

 يجب الاعداد الجيد للمراحل التى تلى موت اسياس فان لم يمت اليوم غدا سيموت …

الان قبل الغد نحن فى حاجه ماسه لإجراء حوار بين اطراف المعارضة من اجل توحيد الرؤى فى المرحلة المقبلة ، يجب على منظمات المجتمع المدنى ان تعمل على تذويب الجليد بين القوى السياسيه. وبالمثل يجب الضغط على النظام القائم عبر جميع القنوات وبكل الوسائل المتاحه والممكنه ، حتى يتحقق التغيير.

التغيير لايتأتى بالامانى والامال والاحلام وانما بتوحيد الموقف وثم العمل والعمل الجاد .

 فى الايام السابقه كنا نترقب من المعارضة قرأة سريعه للاحداث عبر تفاهمات وترتيبات وصياغة رؤية موحدة بدلا من البحث على مكاسب حزبيه لاتروى ظمأ المستظلين تحتها . فاذا استمرت المعارضة فى صورتها الباهة سيتم تجاوزها  ويرمى بها فى سلة المهملات ..

v  المشهد الثالث : نبأ موت اسياس هز اركان الدولة وهذا يؤشر الى هشاشة الوضع فى الداخل وطن على حافة الإنهيار . دكتاتور يرى فى نفسه فرعون زمانه ، ومن حوله ادوات قمع ليس إلا ، لا رجاء منه ولا رجاء في من ياتى بعده من صلب النظام الذى اجبر الشعب الارتري على الهروب والصيام لعشرين لم يفطره  على بصلة ولا شق تمر . ماذا بعد رحيل اسياس سوف يترك لنا وطن مشوه هزيل مشلول الاطراف يستعصى نهوضه وإستعادة عافيته . حال النظام اليوم  فى ارتريا كحال المستعمر الذى دأب على إمتصاص وسرقة الموارد،  فان لم يكون اسوء فليس الافضل.

ارتريا مقبلة على مرحلة ظلاميه والمستقبل غاتم وليس هناك تكهنات . والكل مراهن على القدر .

اسياس بالطبع استفاد من تجربة رفاقه القذافى ومبارك وعلى عبدالله صالح فهو رجل ليس بشجاع ليسترجل الى ان يفقد كل شيء ، نعم أحمق وذكى وجبان ، سوف يرتب حاله حتى يتسنى له الاحتفاظ بالمكتسبات التى حصدها فى ظل العشرين عام.. سيساوم على بقاء هذه المكتسبات مهما كان الثمن.

وبالمثل  هناك أطراف دوليه لاعبه فى الشأن الارتري لم يكون الامر بهذه البساطة ، وهذه الأطراف دوما لا تاتى بالنتائج إلا على حسب رغبات مصالحها وليس على حسب رغبة مصالح الشعوب التى تناضل من اجل التغيير، يجب علينا تفهم الوضع المعقد ونعمل فى تسابق مع الزمن حتى لا نفقد ما تبقى من الوطن المشوه بعد رحيل النظام . وحتما سيرحل ان كان بيد المعارضة ام بيد الاقدار فايهما اسرع هذا ما يهمنا  فى الامر.

فى الختام :رسالة الى الشباب الارترى الغيور :

الشباب هم الشريحة الاكثر اهيمة فى المجتمع يسهمون بدور فاعل في تشكيل ملامح الحاضر واستشراف آفاق المستقبل ، والمجتمع لا يكون قويا إلا بشبابه والأوطان لا تبنى إلا بسواعد شبابها والتغيير لا يتاتى الا بنضوج وعزيمة الشباب وعطائهم المتواصل ، ولأهمية الشباب ودورها فى تشكيل ملامح الدولة القادمة يجب علينا المشاركة بقوة والتفاعل  بجديه مع قضايانا حتى نرسم مستقبلنا بايدينا.

ايها الشباب الثائر لا احد ينكر الدور الذى تقومون به فى التوعيه والتعبئه عبر الروابط الاجتماعيه  وان كان هناك بعض الاراء حولها ، لا احد يستطيع ان ينفى العطاء المتدفق عبر الحركات الشبابيه . ما اود انا اشير اليه يجب ان تتوحد الجهود وتتضافر من اجل دفع عجلة التغيير ، ما نعيب عليه المعارضة  يجب ان لا نقع فيه نحن بالمثل . يجب ان تكون حركات التغيير رافد من روافد المعارضة وتصحح مسارها .. يجب ان يكون الشباب القوة الضاغطة على جميع الاطراف فى الساحه من اجل الانحياز لمصالح الشعب الارتري .

 يجب ان تتبلور وتتشكل رؤيه موحدة للشباب والعمل عبر لجنة مشتركة تتكون من جميع الاقطار مع ترك هامش للتطبيق على حسب مناطق التواجد . يجب ان لاتكون  هذه الحركات اسيرة للاحلام الورديه وحبيسه لرغبات ذاتيه .. يجب علينا مغادر الفضاء الإفتراضى وخلع الأقنعه والاسماء المستعارة وكسر حاجز الصمت والخوف ومواجهة النظام واذياله.  

نحتاج لخطوات جريئة وعمليه ومبادرات فريدة من اجل حشد هذه الطاقات الشبابيه المهدرة.

ولكم منى اطيب المنى حتى التقيكم فى مظاهرات 24مايو التى ستكون فاصلة فى مواجهة النظام.

anjaba2010@gmail.com

Again, just in case, that is not what I read in the six-hundred page book, authored by Redie Mehari, Telmi N’zerie Krdad (A Masterplan for the Chaff Race) which I just finished reading.

As I put down the book to rest, I remembered how so many Eritreans have been toying with words trying to find an appropriate term that would describe the PFDJ clique. Redie’s  “Chaff Race” is a bit stretched out and besides, it is not fair to any race to be likened with chaff as described in the book since a race is not formed, it is naturally inherited, while a tribe is built and artificially acquired. Therefore, the PFDJ clique can be better described as a tribe, The Chaff Tribe!

Reading the book threw me into a state of mixed emotions: Anger, sadness and hope. Redie’s message is well elaborated throughout the book, it is so powerfully delivered that it would wake even those with dead conscience. Of course, some might not know the details and insights, but the nature of the regime is so obvious to everyone outside the Chaff Race. Redie describes the PFDJ so perfectly in a way that no other writer has done before. It is a reminder for those who might have forgotten (or trying to forget) to what extent the PFDJ has damaged Eritrea, and to what extent the Isaias regime has emasculated the Eritrean people. At times, the book becomes so agonizing to read because it forces one to experience the pain all over again.

Redie’s depiction of the selfless and heroic combatants who waged epic battles to rid Eritrea of past occupiers, and the agonies and sacrifices, cannot be sensed by the stone hearted,  the indecent who believe that Eritreans paid all that price in vain. The solace is that they belong to a minority; and Redi’e has described them aptly: Chaff. The few neo-Andnets, those who were hiding under their mama’s skirt while people were having their limbs blown out, their guts scattered all over the desolate battle grounds, should be ashamed of belittling the sacrifices, to downplay the trying times that many combatants went through. No decent person would have the temerity to spit on the experience of thousands of children who grew orphans and widows who aged and died without enjoying a decent life in this world. The decent cannot help but feel the situation that Redie superbly depicted: the sky raining fire and the ground spitting flames—that is not fiction or for romanticizing. It is not a story out of a Hollywood movie. It is real, and live testimonies are still walking the streets of Eritrea and the world carrying their scars. Redie has served the cause for which they suffered (and what awaits ahead) in a noble and in an admirable way.

In addition to the eye-witness chronicle, the individual observation that spans almost forty years, the book also comes with a huge extra bonus: literary value. It is amazing how in spite of his similar background with the PFDJ goons, Redie’ escaped the virus that makes one adopt the bastard version of the Tigrinya language. His impeccable, unadulterated language is so mesmerizing, so educational and so enjoyable to read.

Redie is also a gifted motivator. His style of delivery can be compared to that of the talented preachers of the American South. Indeed, the book will certainly play an important role in uplifting and boosting the morale of those who are poised to destroy all signs of injustice in Eritrea. No apologies. No excuses. Redie knows what needs to be done and he motivates his readers, as in a personalized conversation, as if he is talking to each reader one-on-one, urging all decent Eritreans to reclaim the Eritrean courage, the Eritrean heritage, the Eritrean self-confidence, steadfastness and perseverance. He shuns indignation, shames the weak-spirited and exposes the naked bystanders, the indecent, and the “Assadagi yebedelew”, as the Amharas would say. Almost every page of the book contains one Eritrean wisdom or one traditional adage—you learn rhetoric as you go, you learn what eloquence means. Go get that book and devour it like it is the last book you will ever read.

Definitely, there are some aspects of the book that begs for improvement and I wish Redie consults professionals if he is planning a second run. A lot of redundancy could be eliminated to lower the weight of the book which now weighs about 2 LBS. That affects production, shipping and distribution costs on top of storing inconveniences that would limit its distribution. After having worked so hard to write such a book, it is a shame that the abysmal distribution and packaging might result in a net loss for the writer. But regardless, I encourage you all to contact the writer [at alenakoena@gmail.com] and get the book—everyone who reads Tigrinya should have the book, and I guarantee, you will enjoy every page of it.

After talking about the Word that was God, and the Word that became Isaias, and the words that Redie weaved into a extraordinary book, I will share with you some more words in secret.

Internal Memo

I would like to offer my unsolicited words of advice to the ENCDC chairman: sir, I heard that some of the council members wanted to issue statements regarding the recent Eritrean Liver Crisis, and that there were differing opinions on how the ENCDC should react. Understandably some of the council members might be tempted to boast “I told you so” after the saga unfolded to embarrass some for their hasty reaction and confirm the sound judgment of  others. Still, an internal memo, and an inside discussion, a dissenting opinion, is just an internal matter and should not be used to admonish those who might have held a different opinion, an opinion that is proven wrong only in hindsight. Regardless, even if they made a bad judgment, they have a right to make mistakes and learn. It is not a crime as long as the issue is resolved in a fair manner based on proper organizational discipline and procedure. Embarrassing members after the fact, because they held a different view, is not fair when they do not have a stature equal to that of the chairman. I suggest the ENCDC focusses more on improving internal communication and less on half-baked public pronouncements.

As far as the opposition is concerned, the ENCDC is the highest structure that there is and its dedicated members would like to see its performance improved drastically, and its organs to be engaged and efficient. They would like to remind the leaders that the ENCDC is an institution that represents diverse interest, and that harmonizing those interests is of a paramount importance. Personally, I would like to see one meaningful accomplishment instead of a thousand meetings and statements. God helps only those who help themselves; the general public can only be inspired when there is an accomplishment, a success story. And when that happens, there are many who would love to magnify it. ENCDC “of the world, Unite!”

Again it is all words and about words. And having offered my words to the ENCDC, I would like to inform you that I might have a chance to exchange a few words with the biggest Word in Eritrea. I am excited. Aren’t you?

A Chance For Interviewing Isaias

I met an acquaintance who is a very dedicated supporters of the regime—watch your thoughts! He is not a pumpkin, he is not ill-mannered, he is not arrogant and loud—if that was not the case, I wouldn’t talk to him. He is just an avid believer, a nice person even if he has been together with those who have been chasing their tail for the last ten-years, and one can afford to have a chat with him and get an insight of the amazing mind-set. He jokingly told me he cannot discuss with me any serious stuff because I might “plaster” it at awate.com. That fear has become a hindrance, I cannot socialize with my PFDJ lots and learn from their wisdom, their jingoist patriotism and self confidence that manifests as unbearable arrogance… and be inspired to write.

A few years ago I met a senior PFDJ official and I had to take an oath: “Sga aboy ile I will not disclose anything.”  It was then that we had a cup of cappuccino, and he paid for it thanks to some 2% paying sucker. I will never disclose his name and embarrass him. I was raised to respect the value of Words, and if I give my word to keep a secret, then that is how it will be. Dear PFDJ officials, cheer-leaders and foot-soldiers, me and my colleagues will always keep your secret, you can say anything to us.

Now let’s go to the chat that I had.

My acquaintance complained about “the rumor that the opposition spread about the death of Isaias.” I tried to explain to him how the majority within the opposition thinks the rumor was planned and executed by the PFDJ. I tried to explain that in a country where there is no free flow of information and scrutiny, the people depend on rumors and no one is responsible but the regime that monopolizes information. He wouldn’t agree with me. I quickly introduced another reason from my sleeve: the opposition was gauging the popularity of Isaias but when they saw everyone praying for his death, some mischievous individuals within the opposition changed the exercise into a referendum. Nhna Nsu, Nsu Nhna=thumb up. Down-Down Isaias=thumb down. Everybody made the thumb down sign. Look, mine is still up since last week! Ane Nsu, Nsu Ane. I showed him my thumb. But all those who made the thumb down sign should apologize, and the Word that became Law is so compassionate I am sure IT will pardon all.

One thing led to another and my acquaintance became a bit angry when he started to talk about Bandini—remember, the Italian Ambassador to Eritrea some ten-years ago, the one who allegedly was instigating the G-15 to overthrow the PFDG vagabonds? That Bandini. The benefit of the doubt, I accepted what he said about Bandini—but why are the G15 still in jail without charge, without visitation rights or any basic other right? I didn’t get an answer but only a repetition of Bandini this and Bandini that. He didn’t mention Justice at all; but of course, his ego would not allow him to listen to my justice soliloquy without getting even. He told me that it is natural for the supporters of the government (he calls the regime a government!) to tow the PFDJ line when the so-called opposition tows the Weyane’s line. He must have forgotten that the trampling on rights, and ignoring justice and brigandage started well before the Weyane term was included in the PFDJ lexicon as a major weapon in its arsenal. I could have reminded him of the PFDJ’s honeymoon with the ‘Weyane” but that would be very inappropriate: it is rude to mention the name of an ex-lover to an angry mistress.

My cool acquaintance was becoming unusually tense… and serious. He angrily admonished me for meeting Meles Zenawai, the Ethiopian PM (which makes me a Weyane lackey) and he used all the sovereignty related buzzwords to make me feel guilty. Meeting Meles the monster in his den, how dare you? To him that was the straw that broke some animal’s back. And my reasoning was: if that is what broke anything’s back, I wish all similar backs are broken beyond repair. I wanted to comfort him and thought of shouting ‘Ane Nsu, Nsu Ane’ but the words refused to come out my throat, they got stuck and almost choked me. Helplessly, instead of forcing out my favorite patriotic slogan, I managed to confess: You see, if “president” Isaias would give me an opportunity, I would love to interview him.”  Mr. Cool looked surprised. He sculpted a sarcastic smile on his face. I am serious, I assured him. Apparently he pitied me. Half-surprised, with half-smile, he exclaimed, “why not?” I wondered loudly, Will he? He was still surprised, “Didn’t Isaias give an interview to Tewelde of VoA? Didn’t he give an Interview to Elias of the Ethiopian Review? Why Not you!” I rubbed my hands in excitement. Finally I might get a chance to interview Isaias. I might sit face to face with the Word that became Law that became Isaias.

Now, before I go ahead and make a formal request, I wanted to see how my readers would feel about that—it is YOU! Your advice is critical in this matter. What if Isaias actually agrees and then I have to conduct the interview. What would I ask him? Where would we have the interview? When is the next time he is travelling to Qatar, maybe I can do it there! Do you notice that I am already excited and I badly need an advice?

For hours I have been thinking of the questions I would ask. Do I ask him where is Joshua? Nah…he said he doesn’t know him and I have to believe the Word. Do I ask him when he is going to crown himself a king of Eritrea? Nope. He is already there, it would be an uncalled for insult.  Do I ask him for permission to visit the prisoners at Ella-Ero? But going to Ella-Ero is risky; what if he tells me to interview the prisoners there and that he will send someone to fetch me in ten-years? I am lost.

Incidentally, the correct name of the place is not Era-Ero, it is Ella-Ero which is just corrupted like anything else in Eritrea. We all fell prey to that corruption, so, don’t feel bad about that, it is just a corruption of words. Ella-Ero.

It’s hard to find the right questions fit for a person who carries a tender liver. How can I list a few one-sentence questions that would inspire the king to reply with three hundred sentences each. Then, do I address him “Kbur president” or his holiness the Word, Btsu’e? I went to sleep very late and yet, when I woke up, I hadn’t found the right questions to ask. Worse, I haven’t found answers for my skeptic and paranoid questions—Ella-Ero!

It was then that I glanced at Redie’s book. Aha. It has all the right questions that Isaias should answer. Why don’t I carry the book to him and then camp at the grounds of his imperial palace until he finishes reading it, then he can give me all the answers for the questions that are stored in the minds of all decent Eritreans. But as a precautionary measure, I will swear to him that I do not believe anything in the book and I will testify that Redie is paid by the Weyane to write the book and he should be sent to Ella-Ero. And if Ella-Ero is too five-starish for Redie, he can be sent to any prison, there are many around: Mr. president is committed to maintain Eritrea’s world leadership in the number of prisons. That is why the spirit of Nehna-Nsu is inflated with PRIDE.

Being overly realist, I worried Isaias might not have the time to read a six-hundred page book—frequent excursion to Qatar to meet his doctors; sleeping time, etc. What if he doesn’t have time for an interview with someone who has already interviewed Meles Zenawi? The Indians would say: “what to do?”

Finally I got a solution. I will send a list of my questions to Weizero Saba, and I am sure she would be kind enough to sneak the questions to him between his sleeping times. But how do I get hold of Weizero Saba? Didn’t Redie say he knows her! What the heck, he should help me here. But I am badly in need of an advice from you all. Until then, remember that the liver is doing fine, now let’s find a good surgeon to perform a brain transplant. Who volunteers to pay for a brain of an Australian goat?

negarit@awate.com

“ሞት ስለኺ እሞ እንታይ ክብል? እንታይ ኣሎ ዘይተባህለ? መን ኣሎ ንዓኺ ዘይፈልጥ፡  ጨሪሽኪ’ዃ ርግምቲ ኣይኮንክን።  ግን ጸገም ኣሎኪ። ልብን ቀልብን ይውሕደኪ ኢዩ። ሓንሳብ ትቅልጥፊ  ሓንሳብ ትድንጉዩ። ሞት ማዕረ ኢያ ኻኣ ይብሉኺ፡  ብምንታይኪ? መዳለዊት ኢኺ። ካብዚ ንላዕሊ፡ ንዓኺ ዝኸውን ቃላት የብለይን። ኣብ ዙርያኺ ግን ክንቀሳቀስ ኢየ። ናይ ሎሚ ጽሑፈይ ሞት ኣቲኺ ምስ ወጻእኪ ኣብ እትገድፍዮ ኣሰር ዘተኮረ ኢዩ። ሰለስተ ክፋላት ታሪኽ ብጉንደን ሓደ፡  ብፍረኤን በብይነን ዝኾና ኢየን;

ኣብ መፋርቅ ሰበዓታት፡ ሓደ ሰብኣይ  ኣብ ከተማ ኣስመራ ሞተ። ስድራቤቱን ቀባሮን ካኣ ንሓመድ ድበ ናብቲ ንሱ ዝተወልደሉ ዓዲ ተጓዕዙ። ድሕሪ ገለ ሰዓታት ቀባሮን ሬሳን ዓዲ በጽሑ። ኩሉ ቀባራይ ኣብ ቅርዓት-ዓዲ ምስ ተኣከበ ሬሳ ናይ መጨረሻ ጊዜ  ኣብ ማእከል ቀባሮ ኣዕረፈ። ኣውያትን ብኽያትን በዓልቲ ቤቱ ሰማይ ዝዓረገ ነበረ። ንሳ ዘይበኸየት መን ክበኪ። እንተኮነ ግዳ፡ ሓሊፋ ሓሊፋ ብእተውጽኦም ዝነበረት ቃላት ናይ ሓዘና ተኻፈልቲ እናኣውሓደት ከደት። መልቀሳ ንቀባሮ ቲሒም-ቲሒም ዘብል ነበረ። መብዛሕትኦም ዓሪፉ፡ ይሕሾ፡ ኣብ ዝብላ ክልተ ነጥቢ ዝተሰማምዑ ይመስሉ ። ንሳ ንበዓል ቤታ ለከ ዕኾት ነበረት። ሎሚ፡ ኾነ ምስ በሉዋ፡ ኣማሪርካ ምብካይን ሕሉፋት ቃላት ምጥቃምን ምስጢር እንታይነታ ዝሓብኡላ’ዶ መሲልዋ? ስርዓት ግዳይ ዘይትገብር ዝብሉ ዋሕዲ ኣይነበሮምን። ዝኾነ ኾይኑ ንቡር ክማላእ ኣሎዎ።

ሬሳ ናብ መጨረሻ ጉድጓድ ክኣቱ ምስ ተዳለወ ሕጂ’ውን ገዓረት። እዚ’ውን ፍሉይ ተርእዮ ኣይኮነን። ግዳስ ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ ኮነ፡ ኣንቲ ሓንሳብ እንዶ ዝግ በሊ፡ እዚ ዝንበብ ዘሎ ኣስምዕና፡ ንሱ ኻኣ ሰፈሩ ይሓዝ እንተበሉ ኣቅበጸቶም። እኳ ደኣ ገደዳ። ኣብ መጨረሻ እዛ ጉድጓድ ኣይናትካን’ያ  ኣይናትካንያ፡  ኣይናትካንያ ኢላ ጨደረት። እቶም ቀሺ ዛጓለይ ከምኡ ኣይብሃልን ኢዩ። ንሱ በዓል መዓልቲ ኢዩ። ሕጂ ከኣ ግደፊ እዚ ሰብኣይ ሰፈሩ ከነትሕዞ እንተበልዋ ጨሪሻ ምስማዕ ኣበየት።  ድሕሪ ክንደይ፡ እቶም ቀሺ ፍታሕ ኣናደዩ። በሉ ኻኣ፡ ኣቱም ሰባት እዛ ጉድጓድ እዚኣ፡ ንመዋቲ ኢልና ኢና ፍሒርናያ ኔርና፡ ኣይናትካን፤ ኣይናቱን፤ ኢሎም ዝምስክሩ ሰባት ካብ ተረኽቡ ግና ንዕኡ ኣብዚኣ ፈሓሩሉ። እንተ እዛ ሃህ ኢላ፡ ኣፋ ከፊታ ዘላ ጉድጓድ ንዓኺ ኢላ እንተ ተፋሒራ፡ ንዒ!  ንዒ! ” ሕጂ እተውያ በሉዋ። ድሕሪ’ዚ ቃል’ዚ ንሳ ቀዘዘት። ደጊሞም ኣቱም ሰባት ፡ እንታይ ዝበለ ዘመን ኣተዎና? “ሎምስ ከኣ ሞት ኣዳም ዘይኣምኑ” ተፈጢሮም ኢሎም ቆዘሙ። ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበለ ጊዜ ቀባራይ ኣይስሕቅን ኢዩ ግን ዝኽልክሎ ተሳእነ። ንሳ ድሕሪኡ ቃል ኣይምሎቆትን። እቲ ፍታሕ “እንተስ ፍርሒ እንተስ ፍትሒ” ኔሩ።   

ኣብዚ ናይ ሎሚ ቅነ “ኣውያት” እዝኒ ዘይሰምዓቶ ኣይነበረን። በቲ ዓቢ ክፋላ ኣካሒዳ ኔራ፡ በቲ ንኡስ ጎድና ግን “ንሱ ኣይመውትን ኢዩ” ስጋ እገለ ኢሎም ማሕላ ዝተርፎም ደቂ ሰባት ኔሮም። ዋይ! ዋይ ዘብል’ዩ። ዋይ ዘየብል ከመይ? ለከ ዘመንስ ጨሪሹ ኣይሓልፍን’ዩ። እዛ ኣቦይ ቀሺ ቀደም ዝገንሕዋ ሰበይቲ ሎሚ ነዚ እንተትሰምዕስ ሰዓብተይ ይበዝሑ ኢላ ምምሓለት ዝብል እምንቶ ኣባርቢሩለይ።

ናትካ  ኢያ

ሚዛን ምሕላው ጽቡቅ ኢዩ። ጽላለት እዛ እተጠቅሰት ታሪኽ’ከ እንታይ ትመስል? ካብ ጸናሕኩም ምሳይ ፡-ኣስታት ቅድሚ ኣርባዕተ ዓመት ኣብ ሓንቲ ጋዘጣ ነዛ እትስዕብ ታሪኽ ከንብብ ዕድል ረኺበ። ኣርእስታ ካልኣይ ግዜ እንተሞይቱ (If he dies again…) ሓላፍነት የብልናን ኢያ ትብል። ቅድሚ ኣብ ባሕሪ-ከርሲ ናይታ ታሪኽ ምእታወይ ብኣርእስታ ጥራሕ ተማሪኸ ንምንባባ ተጓየኹ። ዝተፈጸመትሉ ዕለት ነጊረ ኢየ፡ ቦታ ግን ካምቦቺያ ወይ ብዘመናዊ ስም ኣጸዋውዓ ካምቦዲያ ኢዩ። ሓደ መንእሰይ ንገለ ዓመታት ኣብ ከተማ ፍኖም-ፐን (Phnom-Penh) ይነብር ነበረ። ንሱ ኣዚዩ ርሑቅ ካብ ዝኾነ ዓዲ እዩ መጺኡ። ኣብዛ ዋና ከተማ ናይ ሃገሩ እናነበረ ከሎ ከኣ ሓደ መዓልቲ ምስ ብጻዩ ሞቶርሳይክል ተጓራቢቱ እንዳኸደ ከሎ ሓደጋ ኣጓኖፎ። እቲ ሓደጋ ብርቱዕ ስለዝነበረ ናይ ሓደ ሰብ ሞት ሽዑ ኣኸተለ። እቲ ካብ ሞት ዝተረፈ ማህረምቱ ከቢድ ስለ ዝነበረ ናብ ሕክምና ተወስደ። ፖሊስ መንነት ናይዞም ክልተ ሰባት ምጽራይ ኣብ ዝጀመርሉ ግዜ ሓንቲ ናይ መንነት ምስክር ጥራሕ ኣብቲ ናይ ሓደጋ ቦታ ረኸቡ። ድሕሪ’ዚ መንግስቲ ሓላፍነቱ ንምውራድ ብመሰረት እታ ሽዑ ዝረኸብዋ መንነት ናብ ስድራ መዋቲ ከይዶም ወድኹም በዚ ዕለት’ዚ ብሓደጋ ሞይቱ ክብሉ ኣርድእዎም።

ስድራ መዋቲ ግዳዮም ተቀቢሎም ዝግባእ ተስካር ኣሕለፍሉ። እንተኾነ ግዳ ድሕሪ ዓመት ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ወዶም ስድራ ቤቱ ንምርኣይ ገፈፍ እንዳበለ ኣተዎም። ንሱ ደሓንዶ ዊዕልኩም? ከመይ ኣሎኹም? ኣነ እገለ ወድኹም እኮ እየ እንተበሎም፡ ንስኻ ወድና ደኣ ትመስል እምበር ወድና ኣይኮንካን። ወድና ሞይቱ እዩ። ካልኣይ ጊዜ ክፍጠር እንተኾይኑ’ውን ብመልክዕ ፈረስ፡ ላም፡ ሓርማዝ፡ ዕድል እንተገይሩ ኻኣ ካብ ካልእ ስድራ ከም ብሓድሽ ሕጻን ኮይኑ ደኣ ዳግማይ ይፍጠር እምበር ልክዕ ክንድኡ ዝኸውን ሰብ ኮይኑ ክመጽእ ኣይኽእልን እዩ በሉዎ። ነዚ ተእምር’ዚ ንምርግጋጽ ዓዲ ምሉእ ተኣከበ። ስድራቤቱ ሕቶታት ኣየቛረጹን። ድሕሪ ገለ ኣዕጋቢ መልሲ ግን “ኣንታ እዚ ብሓቂ ወድና ከይኮነ ኣይተርፍን በሉ” እቶም ዓዲ ግን ሞይቱ ኢልኩምና ንሕና ሓደ ጊዜ ዝዋጽእ ኣዋጺእና ሓዝንና ዓጺና ኢና። ብዝተረፈ ግን ነዚ ወዲ ወድና’ዩ ኢልኩም እንተተቀቢልኩሞን እሞ ካልኣይ ጊዜ እንተሞይቱን ሓላፍነት የብልናን። እዚ ዎ ደሓንኩም በልዎም። ኣብ ባህሎም ንዝመተ ሰብ ሓደ ጊዜ ጥራሕ’ዩ  ዝእዎዮ። እቲ ጌጋ ናይ እገለ ኢዩ ኢልካ ፍርዲ ምሃብ ንኣንባቢ ገዲፈዮ ኣሎኹ። ካልኣይ ፋልን ሓቅን  ዘይፈላሊ፡ ማዕረ ጌሩ ዝርኢ ባህሊ ምጽናሕ’ዩ። ኣብ ገለ-ገለ እዋን ከምዚ ዓይነት ባህላዊ እምንቶ ክህሉ ኣይምተጸልኤን። ግን ሰብ ነናቱ ኣሎዎ።

ኢሰያስ ሎሚ ሞይቱ፡ ኣሎባ ይብሃል ኣሎ፡ ብፋል ንሱ ባዕሉ ብዝፈጠሮ ሽግር ኣብ ቀብሩ ዊዒሉ ኢዩ። እሞ እንተ ሒሽዃስ ሓሳርን መከራን ዘጽገብካዮ ህዝቢ ሞይቱ ምስተባህልካ ደንጉዩ’ኳ ኢዩ ዝበለ። ካብ ዝተሓብእካዮ ቦታ ወጺእካ ኣሎኹ ምስ በልካ ኻኣ ብሞት ጸዎታ የሎን ኢልኳ ። ብዝኾነ መዐቀኒ ባህላዊ እምንቶ፡  ፋልካ ይጥበቀልካ !

ክሞቱለይ ኢዮም

ወለዲ ክምስሉ፡ “ካብ ኣጣል ዝወዓልኦስ፡ ኣጣል ዝገደፈኦ” ። ማለት ኣጣል  ምስኤን ዘሎ ጠጠም ኦም ከይወድኣ ካብኡ ዝሓሸ ክረኽባ ክብላ ስለ ዝዕንዝራ’ዩ ይመስለኒ። በዚ ምኽንያት ብኣካል ይኹን ብግዜ ዓይንኹም ሰም ከየበልኩም ናብ ኣትፈልጥዎ ታሪኽ ክዛወር።

ቅድሚ ክልተ ዓመትን ፈርቃን ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ሮበርት ሙጋበ ናይ ዙምባብወ ገባርን ሓድግን ኣብ ቅድሚ ብኣሻሓት ዝቁጸር ህዝቢ ከምዚ ክብል ፈከረ፡- ኣፍ-ልቡ ከም በጽሒ ጋውና እንዳወቅዔ “ዝምባብወ ናተይ ኢያ” (Zimbabwe is mine) በለ። እዚ ኣባሃህላ’ዚ ብእምንትኡ ንምዕራብ ዘተኾረ ኢዩ ዝብሉ ተንታኖ ኣይሰኣኑንን። ሓቅኹም እወ ዘብል መርቶዖ ግን ይውሕዶ፡ ንምንታይ ሙጋቤ ደቂሱ ከሎ ዝመርሕ፡ መን ከማይ ዝብል ዑሉል መላኺ ኢዩ። ስለዚ ፈኸርኡ ኣብ ክንዲ ኣብ ማዕዶ ኣብ ዙርያ ቤቱ ዝያዳ የገልግል። ነዚ ናቱ ጨርሖ “ኣየማን” ዝብሉ መርሕቲ ሕጂ’ኳ ደኣ ይጓደሉ ኣሎው’ምበር መልኦም ኢዮም። እዞም ከም ሙጋቤ ዝኣመሰሉ መልኽቲ ብሓንቲ ጭርሖ እዮም ብዝያዳ ዝራኸቡ። “ሺሕ ይሙቱ ኣካቢ ሺሕ ግን ኣይሙት” እዚ ግን ቁጽሪ ኣህዛብ ውሑድ ከሎ ኢዩ። ሎሚ “ሚሊዮናት ይምቱ ኣካቢ ሚሊዮናት ኣይሙት” ቀይሮማ ኣሎዉ። ንኣብነት፡ ሙዓመር ቀዛፊ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል ሞት ኮይኑ ዝፍክሮ ዝነበረ ፈኸራ እኹል ምስክር ኢዩ። ነቶም ዝረሳዕኩሞ “ህዝበይ ይፈትወኒ ኢዩ፡ ኣብ ክንዳይ ከኣ ክመውት ኢዩ (My people love me. They will die for me) እዛ ጭርሖ እዚኣ ኣብ ገዛ ከፈተ መላኺ እትርከብ እንኮን ቀንድን እምንቶኦም ኢያ። ንዔኦም ሞት ብኣምላኽ’ኳ ዘይትኸውን ኮይናቶም። “ዶጎል ደጒለያ፡ ሓጹር ሓጺረያ፡ ተቐዘፊ ሞትየ በየን ሓለፈትየ” ትብል ደርፊ ንሶም ንዝረግጽዎ ህዝቢ ጥራሕ ዝተዓደለት ጌሮም ኢዮም ዝወስድዎ። እቲ ሓቂ ግን ብእንጻሩ ኢዩ። “ኣነ ኣብ ገጽ ሞት ይስሕቅ” ኢሎም ዝፍክርዎ ፈኸራ ክሳብ ባርዕ ህዚቢ ዘቃጽሎም ኢዩ።

ኣብ ዝቀረባ ጊዜ ኢሰያስ ብዛዕባ ጥዕንኡ ኣብ ዝተሓተተሉ ጊዜ ዳርጋ ኣነ ኣብ ገጽ ሞት ይስሕቅ ዝዓይነቱ፡  ሕሱር መደረ ክገብር ተሰሚዑ። እቲ ንሱ ኹሉ ዝበሎ ብድዔ ኢዩ፡ ኮይኑ ግን  ካብ መልሓስ ተመን እንታይ ትጽበ። ሓደ ጊዜስ ከምዚ ዝብል ጥቅሲ ኣንቢበ ኔረ፡ ንሓደ ሰብ “ኣንታ ሓዊ ይኣትወካ ኣሎ እንተበልዎስ ደሓን ሓሰር ተከዲነ ኣሎኹ በሎም ይብሃል፡” እሞ ንሱ እንተኾይኑ ክዳንካ ጸገም የሎን፡ ነቲ ሓሰር’ውን ጉርዲ ወስኸሉ። ግዲ የብልካን ንስካ ኣብ ክንዳይ ዝሞትለይ ኣሎዉ ኢልካ ጥራሕ ኣንባሁቅ። ህዝብስ ድሕረኻ  “በዚኣ ኣይበለትየ በቲኣ ኣይበለትየ ወጊሓ መሬትየ” ዝብል ደርፊ ሒዙ ኢዩ ዝጽበ ዘሎ። ንስኻ ግን ሓሰር ተኸዲንካ ጉርዲ ተነጺፍካ ጥራሕ መዓልትኻ ተጸበ። ነቶም ኣይናትካን ኢያ ፤ ኣይናቱን  ኢያ ዝብሉ ግን ክሳብ ሽዑ ልቢ ይሃቦም።

ከምቲ ዝቀነኻዮ ቀኒ!

meretse@yahoo.com

والواقع أنني لا أسعى للعودة الى تفاصيل تلك “الإشاعة” المدسوسة، بقدر ما أحاول قراءة السلوك المرافق لإنتشارها وبالتالي الفعل السياسي الناتج عنها، فضلاً عن محاولة فهم، دواعي ذلك التعاطي وحدوده، في محاولة لتجاوز الكبوات من جهة، ولتلمس مسارات الرؤية التي بنيت عليها المواقف من الجهة الأخرى .

والحقيقة أن هذه الحادثة، كانت نقطة كاشفة للكثير من الأمور التي تستحق الإهتمام منا كجهات شبابية معارضة، و كدارسيين نسعى الى استشراف ادوارنا القادمة لا محالة، أولى تلك النقاط يتمثل في مصدر “الإشاعة” التي لم يعد احداً يشك في أنها كانت مدبرة ومحسوبة العواقب من قبل النظام وأدواته، كطُعم أريد القامنا أياه، لتحقيق مجموعة من الأهداف المحددة سلفاً، ولا شك أن الكثير منا قد ذاق الطعم إما بحسن نية، أو توقاً للحرية والخلاص، اللذين بديا له  انهما يتحققان كهدية من السماء، متمثلتان في نهاية الديكتاتور بحكم القضاء والقدر، وبالتالي لا مندوحة من الإحتفاء بهذه النهاية المستحقة لرجل لم يفعل شيء يستحق التعاطف معه في محنة المرض او الموت، وهو شعور شرعي لدى كل من يتمنى الخير للبلاد والعباد بعيداً عن حكم الفرد والحاشية .. ولكن الأمر الذي ينبغي الوقوف لديه مطولاً هو ذلك الشعور العارم بالنصر الذي تبدى لدى الكثير من الناشطين في الحركات الشبابية عبر مواقع التواصل الإجتماعي ( وهنا يهمني قياس هذا الشعور أكثر من قياس شعور الأحزاب والتنظيمات، وأن لم يكن الأمر  مختلفاً لدى بعض منها ايضا).

فالملاحظة الأولى أن موت الطاغية مثل أملاً جديداً لدى هذه “المجموعات” فراحت تحتفل كما لوكانت قد ظفرت بالنصر باقل الأضرار، -وهو شعور مرة اخرى شرعي ومفهوم-  للدرجة التي لم تقوى الى طرح احتمال توافر شروط الفرية في هذه “الإشاعة”، بل أن طرحاً بسيطاً تمثل في سؤال طرحته (شخصياً) على احدى المجموعات على شبكة التواصل الاجتماعي عن الفرق بين مفردتي ( توفي/وهلك) قد أدى بالنتيجة الى اتهامات كبيرة تبدأ عند محاولة إفساد الفرحة او التشكيك في دواعيها ولا تنتهي عند الدفاع عن النظام ورأسه “الهالك” !

هذا الأمر يعطي اشارات  للقياس، على عدة مستويات، أولها  تلك المزاوجة بين الفعل النضالي والإعلامي وتماهي الخطوط بينهما بدرجة أن الاخيرة أضحت تـُغني عن الأولى، فتحقيق هدف اعلامي حتى لو كان دعائياً -مدسوساً بشكل او اخر من قبل النظام-، ينبغي قبوله بإعتباره خصماً من عمر النظام او نهاية له وبالتالي هو نصراً للمعسكر المعارض، على إعتبار أن اللعبة بين الطرفين صفرية الملامح، ( خسارة الاول بالضرورة مكسب للأخر والعكس صحيح) وبالتالي لم يكن امام هذه المجموعات المتعاظمة من القوى الشبابية سوى تلقف الخبر وتصديقه، دون أدنى شك والتعاطي معه كحقيقة مطلقة، لا يرقى اليها الشك في غالب الأحيان، بل أن عملية طرح الأسئلة المشروعة والمتعلقة حول إحتمالية عدم صدق “الخبر/ الإشاعة” شابها الكثير من الإتهامات الوفيرة ! لأن أغلب منتسبي تلك الصفحات كانوا يتوقون بل يريدون تصديق الإشاعة حتى لو ساورهم الشك او تسربت الاسئلة المشككة بين المشاركات، حول مساهمة النظام في افتعال الغموض عند تعاطيه مع الحدث..حيث كان ذلك الغموض يقدم كمبرر لصدق /تصديق  الإشاعة بل كأحد أدلتها القطعية .

ثانيا: ساهمت العديد من الجهات في تلك المجموعات -الآخذة في الإنتشار والتوسع والتأثير- في ابتكار السيناريوهات و استشراف المستقبل القادم، حيث كانت معظم الحوارات تجري حول الخطوة القادمة وليس الحالية باعتبار أن الأمر قد قضي ..ذلك بالرغم من اختلاف السيناريوهات حول ماهية الحاكم الفعلي الآن (اي في تلك اللحظات) وكيفية التعاطي معه .

ثالثاً : كان للتكذيب الرسمي الصادر من النظام، والذي تعمد هو الآخر الغموض، وعدم اظهار الرئيس، دوره الحاسم في تأكيد تلك الظنون بل في انتقال الإشاعة الى قمة إثارتها المرجوة، وهي ربما أحد أهم الجولات التي أجاد افورقي أدائها بطريقة متميزة وفريدة لإيقاع معارضيه في الفخ، عندما أمعن في التخفي خلف بيانات وزارة اعلامه، و وزيرها الذي ما فتئ يفند بطريقة ترسخ شعوراً مغايراً لدى الناس .

رابعاً : ساهمت التنظيمات السياسية الاريترية التي تقود العمل المعارض في قوة الإشاعة وانتشارها  سواء عبر تبني بيانات تعزز من ذلك الشعور، او عبر نقل الأقاويل والتسريبات الصحفية الشحيحة الى سلوك سياسي تم اعلانه في بيانات رسمية ممهورة .

وأمام هذه المؤشرات  المهمة وغيرها لم نكن فقط في وجه “أزمة إشاعة” بل في “إشاعة” أزمة ظلت متخفية في جسد القوى المعارضة، حيث مثلت  أحدى اللحظات الكاشفة لكوامنها وآلياتها ومحدودية قدرتها على كسر اغوار النظام واستكشاف حيله و ألآعيبه، بل مضت كمنفذ لسيناريو رسمه النظام بإتقان وسخَر له بعض شروط الحياة.

وبالرغم من بعض المشاركات الشحيحة التي لم تستبعد إمكانية شروع اجهزة النظام في “دس” هذه الإشاعة ومقال آخر نشر بالمواقع الارترية للأستاذ ابو بكر حامد ذهب في ذات الاتجاه، ونقل الى ذات المجموعة، فإن احداً لم يلتفت الى هذه الإشارات ومضى في الغالب نحو تصديق “الإشاعة” كاشفا في الوقت ذاته عن “أزمة” من نوع آخر .

ودون الإبحار في الدراسات السيكولوجية التي يمكن أن تقدم تفسيراً علميا لهكذا حالات، فإن الإستبداد حتما لا يمكن أن ينتج ظواهراً صحية، وجواً يسمح باجراء  قياسات موضوعية في ظل سيطرة الشروط العاطفية والذاتية القاهرة على غيرها من الشروط على مستوى. لأننا في نهاية المطاف نتاج مجتمع يعاني القهر  والإستبداد في افظع وأقسى صوره، وبالتالي بحاجة ماسة الى وقت مقتطع من تفاصيل أي “فرج مفترض” ومرجو . فضلاً عن أن طبيعة النظام القمعية لا تترك مساحة للوصول الى معلومات حقيقية صادرة من الداخل الاريتري.

لكن الجانب السياسي في هذا الأمر هو ما كشفته بيانات قوى المعارضة التي أشاعت هذه المرة بوضوح للرأي العام، إشكالية تتخبط فيها منذ زمن بعيد تتعلق بغياب قنوات اتصال فعلية تمكنها عن فحص وتمحيض ما يصدر من معلومات من الداخل وقدرتها على تحليلها و وضعها في القالب الحقيقي لها، لنشهد أحد أكثر السيناريوهات قتامة في تاريخ العمل الوطني المعارض، ما يضع حتى علاقاتها بالأنظمة الحليفة أمام علامات السؤال، خاصة تلك الأنظمة التي تملك وسائل متطورة في استكشاف مثل هذه الفريات التي لا ينبغي ان تنطلي على أجهزتها، إلا إذا كانت غير آبهة لأهمية مثل هذا الحدث الجلل .

للدرجة التي وضعت البعض الى حد التشكيك –ليس في الإشاعة ومصادرها- بل في خرجة أفورقي الأخيرة (الساخرة) وأعتبارها أنها “خرجة مصطنعة” تم تركيبها بطريقة فنية، وهو إمعان غريب للإستمرار في “اللعبة”، في جانب يكشف بوضوح “أزمة” حقيقية تعيشها تلك الجهات والأفراد، والتي يمكن تفسيرها بأنها جزء من ذهنية المقهور الذي يبحث عن ثمة ضوء ما، وبالتالي لا يقبل بما يعتبره نوع من إجهاض “الحلم” الذي كاد أن يتحقق ولو عبر “إشاعة” مدبرة . لينتقل الأمر بالفعل الى “إشاعة أزمة” حقيقية ينبغي معالجتها بالشفافية المطلوبة .

በሉ ኣስተውዕሉ! ስርዓት ህግደፍ ፡ ሓሶት ዘሪእኻ፡ናብ ተቓወምቲ ምልጣፍ ኣመሉ ኢዩ። መን’ዩ ነዚ በላወ-በለው’ዚ ዘርጊሒዎ? ምንጩ ካበይ ኢዩ? ነዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ቅድሚ ምምላሰይ፡ 03 ናይ መን’ዩ? መን’ዩ ስጋብ ሎሚ ክጠቀመሉ ጸኒሑ? ዝብል ክምልስ እፍቱ።

03 ካብ ዘበነ ሳሕል ጀሚሩ፡ መሳርሒ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኢዩ ነይሩ። ነዚ ዝተመደባ ጉጅለታት ባዕለን  ብታሕቲ-ታሕቲ ናይ ሓሶት ወረ ይዝርጋ ሓሞ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ዒላማ ንዘእተዎም ኣካላት ይልጥፉሎም።ንኣብነት ይዝከረኒ ኣብ ናይ ፈለማ 70ታት “ጀነራል ኢሳያስ ኣብ ከባቢ ኣስመራ ብተጋደሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ተቐቲሉ” ዝብል ኢሳያስ ስሙ ንኸግንን ምስ ዘርገሖ፡ ተመሊሱ “ዓማ ዘርጊሓቶ” በለ። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣስመራ መስ ኣተወ እውን “ኢሳያስ ተሳሒቱ” ዝብል ብ03 ካብ ኣሰመራ ይዝርጋሕ ከም ዝነበረ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።ቀጺሉ’ውን “ሓሚሙ” ወይ “መይቱ” ዝብል በቢግዜኡ ብ03 ካብ ኣስመራ ዝዝርጋሕ ከም ዝነበረ ማንም ዘይስሕቶ ኢዩ። ከይዱ ከይዱ ድማ ንተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት መዳኸሚ ተባሂሉ ከም ፖሊሲ ዝተወስደ ናይ ህግደፍ ልሙድ ኣሰራርሓ ኢዩ። ነዚ በላወ-በለው ዝዝርግሑ ከም ስርዓት ዝተዓለሙ (ዝሰልጠኑ) ኣባላት ኣለው።ሕጂ’ውን ተቓወምቲ ወገናት ናይቲ ዝተዘረገሐ ምንጪ ኣይኰኑን። ዋና ምንጩ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኢዩ።ናይ ተቓወምቲ ወረ ማዕከናትና፡ 03 (ናይ ህግደፍ ስውር ናይ ሓሶት ወረ) ምስ ዘርገሖ፡”ዘይተረጋገጸ ወረ ከምዝበሎ” ኢየን ዝበላ። እዚ ድማ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ነቲ ዝተፈነ ናይ ሓቂ ይኹን ሓሶት ኢየን ኣቃሊሐን።   

 ንሕና ከም ተቓወምቲ ኣካላት ግን ኢሳያስ ብሕልና ቀደም ከም ዝሞተ ኣጸቢቕና ንኣምን ኢና። ተሪፍዎ ዘሎ ኣካላዊ ሞት ኢዩ። ወይጉድ! ኢሳያስ ንዓና “ዝጠፈሹ” ኢሉና። ንሕና ባ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዝጠፈሸ ንብሎ!! ብውሽጢ ስልጣን ነኺሱ “መጹኒ!መንጠሉኒ!” ክብል ሃገር ናብ ሓንቲ ዓባይ ካንሸሎ ቤት-ማእሰርቲ ለዊጡ፡   ዝእሰርን ኣብ ቤት-ማእሰርቲ ዝመውትን ህዝቢ ቁጽሪ የብሉን። ካብዚ ግፍዒ’ዚ ንምድሓን ሃገሩ ገዲፉ ዝስደድ ዘይጋ ማእለያ የብሉን። እዚ ሕብረተ-ሰብ ዓለም ዝሪኦ ዘሎ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ብወጻኢ’ውን ምስ ኩለን ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ተናኺሱ፡ ኣብ ህልም ዝበለ ናይ ተሮሪዝም ዓዘቕቲ ጥሒሉ፡ ብሕቡራት ሃገራት ጸጥታ ማዕቀብ ተሸብሊሉ ይረከብ።ካብዚ ቅልውላው’ዚ ንምውጻእ ኣብ ናይ ነብሱ ሞቱን ሂወቱን ጸውጽዋይ ምውዳቑ ንዓና ኣይገርመናን። ስለዚ ተቓዋሚ ደምበ ኣይኮነን ጠፊሹ። ብርግጽ ጠፈሹ ዘሎ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኢዩ።

እቲ ዘገርም፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ “ብዛዕባ ሕማምን ሞትን ኢሳያስ ናይ አሜርካ ስለያ መርበብ (CIA) ዘርጊሒዎ” ማለቱ ኢዩ።ያኢ! ኣሜሪካ እትኣክልስ ብዛዕባ ሓደ ኣብ ዓለም ዝተናዕቀ፡ ነርባዕተ ሚልዮን ህዝቢ መጊቡ ዘይሓድር ዲክታተር፡ ብዛዕባ ጥዕናኡን ሞቱን ዓጢጥዎም ብዛዕባኡ ከውሪዩ? ዓሊ ዓብዱ ብድመጺ ኣሜሪካ “ቀዳማይ ሚኒሰተር መለስ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ 100 ዝኾኑ ዜጋታት ጨውዩልና ይብሉ ኣለው፡ ንስኻ’ኸ እንታይ መልሲ ትህብ?” ተባሂሉ ምስ ተሓተ፡”ንሕና ምስ ተለኣኣኽቲ ኣይንዛረብን ምስ ኣሜሪካ ኢና እንዛራረብ” በለ። ዘሕፍር ኢዩ። “ጽምብላሊዕ መዓኮራ ዘይከደነትስ መሬት ከደነት” ከምዝበሃል፡ ሰርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ጥራሕ ማዓኮሩ ጉራ፡ኣመሉ ኢዩ’ምበር፡ ኣይኮነን ምስ ሓያላት ሃገራት ከም በዓል ኣሜሪካ ክመጣጠርስ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ሎሚ ብኹሉ ሸነካቱ ናብ ጥቓ ኢትዮጵያ ዘቕርብ ዓቕሚ የብሉን። ሓይሊ እንተ ዝህልዎ ኢትዮጵያ 18 ኪሎ መተር ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ኣትያ ድላያ ክትገበር ምተኻላኸለ። እንተኾነ ግን እቲ ስርዓት ከም ስርዓት ካብ ነብሱ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ጥራሕ ነብስኻ ፈኸራ ነቶም ሰዓብቱ’ውን በኪልዎም ኢዩ። ኣቱም ሰባት ጸገም ረኺብና።ህግደፋውያን ድኻታት ከንሶም ሃበታማትና ዝብሉ፡ደናቑር ከንሶም መሁራት ኢና ዝብሉ፡ ድኹማት ከንሶም ሓያላት ኢና ዝብሉ ዘጋታት ኢዮም። ከምቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዝበልኩዎ፡ እዚ ተቓዋሚ ኣካል ነዚ ኣተሓሳስባ’ዚ ክልውጥ ኣለዎ።ብርግጽ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ እሱራት ኢዮም።ካብ ኤረ-ቲቪ ወጺኦም ዓለም እንታይ ከምዘላ ክሪኡ ኣይከኣሉን።ሃገር እናጠፍአት እናረኣዩ፡ ኣብ ነብሶም ድኽነትን ድንቁርናን እናለብለቦም፡ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ብዕሙት ልቢ ክድግፍዎ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ኢዩ።

እሞ ኣብዚ ናይ ለማቕነ ዝተኻየደ “ኢሳያስ መይቱባ ኣይመተን” ፕሮፓጋንዳ ምን’ዩ ከሲቡ መን’ዩ’ኸ ከሲሩ? ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ወይስ ስርዓት ህግደፍ? ስርዓት ህግደፍ ብርግጽ ነዚ ሜላ’ዚ ክዝርግሕ እንከሎ ክልተ ዓላማታት ነይሩዎ። እቲ ቀዳማይን ቀንድን ዓላማ ዝና ኣቶ ኢሳያስ ሓፍ ንምባል ኢዩ። እቲ ካልኣይ ድማ ንተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ “ከም ሓሰውቲ ተቘጺሮም” ዋጋ ንምስኣን ኢዩ ነይሩ።እንተ ኮነ ግን ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ይኹን ህዝቢ እዚ ሕሱር ሜላ’ዚ ኣቐዲሞም ይፈልጥዎ ኢዮም። ብ 03 ሓሶት ዘርጊሕኻ ኢሳያስ ንዝጸልኦ ኣካል ምልጣፍ ልሙድ ኢዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ዝኸሰረ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ኢዩ። “ጭጕራፍ ወቒዓ ተእዊ” ከም ዝበሃል ሎሚ ግን እታ ጭጕራፍ ተመሊሳ ንኢሳያስ ወቒዓቶ። ኢሳያስ ስጋዕ ክንደይ ከም ዝጠፈሸ ኣብ ዓሎም ተራኢዩ። ሓደ “መራሒ ናይ ሓደ ሃገር” ንሓደ ወርሒ ዝኣክል ኣብ ሓደ ጉብጥሽ ሓቢእካ ጸኒሕካ፡ “ኢሰያስ ኣይሞተን እነሐለ” ማለት ዓወት ተረኺቡለይ!! እሞ “ንሰለስተ ማዓልታት ወጺአ ነይረ። ተማሊ ድማ ብጋሽ ባርካ ጀሚረ፡ በፍዓበት ንኸረን፡ ካብ ከረን ብባጽዕ ኣቢሉ ንደንከል ካብ ደነከል ብዞባ ደቡብ ኣቢሉ ነስመራ! እዚ ኹሉ ኣብ ውሽጢ 14 ሰዓታት።” ንዓይ በርግጽ እዚ ኣበሃህላላ’ዚ ናይ ጥዕና ኣይ ኮነን። ካሊእ ደገፍቲ ስርዓት ህግደፍ 2% ጠጠው ብምባል  ኢሳያስ ከምሰቡ መዋቲ ምዃኑ ተርዲኦም ምስ ተቓዋሚ ደምበ ክስለፉ ጀሚሮም ይበሃል።

እንተ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኢሳያስ ንኽሓምም ወይ’ውን ንኽመውት ምስ እግዚኣብሄር (ረቢ) ስምምዕ ኣይገበሩን። ዓላማን መደብን ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት፡ ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ተቓሊሶም ሓደ ግዜ ስልጣን ካብ ስርዓት ህግደፍ መንዚዖም ሓደ ህዝባዊ ስርዓት ከም ዝተኽሉ ኣጸቢቖም ይፈልጡ ኢዮም። መብዛሕትና ብፍላይ ድማ ኣነ ንባዕለይ፡ ኢሳያስ ምስ ሞተ፡ ስጋብ ሕጂ  መሳርሒ ጭቆና ብምዃን ህዝቢ ዝብድሉ ዘለው ሰብ-ጽሩራ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ከምጽኡ ኢዮም ኢለ ኣይኣምንን። ስለዚ ካብዚ ትያትር ናይ ኢሳያስ ተቓዋሚ ደንበ ዝኸሰቦ’ምበር ዝኸሰሮ ነገር የለን።

ኣብ መጨረሻ፡ ኣገዳሲ ሕቶ ኮይኑ ዝስማዓኒ፡ ዋና ለውጢ ምን’ዩ? ዝብል ኢዩ። ፈቲና ጸሊእና፡ ነዊሑ ሓጺሩ፡ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ዝመጽእ ብቓልሲ ኢዩ።ስለዚ ናይ ለውጢ ዋናታት ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኢዮም።ናይ ህግደፍ ኣካላት ዝነበሩ ከም ወተሃደራት፡ ናይ ጸጥታ ሓይልታት ወ.ዘ.ተ. ንበይኖም መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ከምጽኡ ኢዮም ኢለ ኣይ ኣምንን። መመላእታ ክኾኑ ይኽእሉ። ማለት እቲ ቃልሲ ኣብቲ ዝለዓለ መድረኽ ምስ በጽሐ ምስቲ ህዝባዊ ማዕበል ኣትዮም ክሕግዙ ይኸእሉ። እዚ ግን ደሓን ዝኾነ ኣረኣእያ ዘለዎም ባእታታት ምስ ዝህልው ጥራይ ኢዩ።እቲ ቀንዲ ከሰምረሉ ዝደሊ ግን፡ እቲ ቀዳማይ ወናኒ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ኤርትራዊ-መንእሰይ ወለዶ ከም ዝኾነ ኢዩ። ከምቲ ቅድሚ ሐጂ ዝገለጽኩዎ፡ ኣብ ዝኾነ ቃልሲ መንእሰይ-ወለዶ ዘይተሓወሶ ክዕወት ኣይኽእልን። እቲ ቀንዲ ንኢሳያስ ሕማም ኮይኑዎ፡ ብሞቱን ሂወቱን ጭርጭር ዓበደ ዝጸወት ዘሎ፡ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ኣብዘሎ ልዩ ኣንጻሩ ተላዒሉ ስለ ዘሎ ኢዩ። መንእሰይ ኣብ ምድረበዳ ሲናይ ዘሎኻ፡ ኣብ እስራኤል ዘሎኻ፡ኣብ ኤውሮጳ ዞሎኻ፡ ኣብ ኣሜሪካ፡ ካናዳ፡ ኣውስተራልያ፡ ኣፈሪቃ፡ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ዘሎኻ፡ ተልዓል። ተወደብ። ስመርርርርር። መንአሰያትና ጽቡቚ ኢኹም ትኸዱ ዘሎኹም። ዝበለጸ ግን ኣቦታትኩም ከምዝብልዎ “ዘይተወቕረ ነየጥሕን፡ ዘይተወደበ ነየድሕን” ኢዩ’ሞ ብዝኾነ መልኸዕ ተወደቡ። ተጠርነፉ። ነቲ ቃልሲ’ውን ባዕልኹም ምርሕዎ። ናህና (ናይ ዓበይቲ) ተራ መኽሪ ምሃብ ጥራይ ኢዩ ከኸውን ዝኽእል።

A.Fitiwi1993@kpnmail.nl

Now, before we get there, and this is related, so hang tight. The voice on the phone is soft, engaging but serious.  It is discussing the last Al-Nahda which talked about how Isaias’s treatment of the body of Naizghi Kiflu shouldn’t surprise us; that to deal with the grief that has befallen Eritreans, we are going through the five stages of grief: denial, anger, bargaining, depression and then acceptance.  And then:  “Many of the Eritreans who seem to be completely unsurprised by anything that goes on in Eritrea are in Stage 5.” So, the caller asks: “are you in stage 5?”

I didn’t have a good answer, really. I was taken aback.  I haven’t accepted that Eritrea is destined to be a dictatorship; but my hair doesn’t set on fire every time the Isaias Afwerki government does something horrific; and my heart doesn’t beat fast in anticipation of something encouraging from the Opposition. So what stage am I? It depends on the moment. And there are moments when it does.  Like?

The Stripped Down Facts

There are moments and then, well, let’s steal a line from John Steinbeck’s Of Mice And Men: “A moment settled and hovered and remained for much more than a moment. And sound stopped and movement stopped for much more, more than a moment. Then, gradually time awakened again and moved sluggishly on.” April was such a month. And, in those moments, dear interviewer, I am not in Stage 5.

So, the facts, stripped down. And, please, I am too old to do the photo and video forensics, although I am aware there are many Eritreans playing the role of Kevin Costner in Oliver Stone’s JFK.  Bust that case and send me your results. But I can’t join that adventure.

Fact 1:  For the last 20 years that Isaias Afwerki has been president, Isaias Afwerki has been on one or all of the state-owned media if not every day at least every week.

Fact 2:  It is the job of the Eritrean state media to present Isaias Afwerki in the most positive light every time, all the time. Just today, Eritrea was on the news as being the world’s (not Africa’s, not the Third World, but the world’s) most censored state:

“Every time [a journalist] had to write a story, they arrange for interview subjects and tell you specific angles you have to write on,” an exiled Eritrean journalist told CPJ, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal. “We usually wrote lots about the president so that he’s always in the limelight.”

Fact 3:  Every time the Eritrean president travels outside the country, the news is plastered on government website and state TV—before and after the visit. Until recently, they used to line up government ministers at the airport to bid him farewell, and to welcome him home.

[Not fact: they didn’t ask “Ayay, entay emtSi’ekalna kab Adi Areb?”]

Fact 4:  President Isaias Afwerki was not on Eri-TV from March 29 all the way to April 27. If you are counting, that is exactly 30 days. That is four weeks plus.

Fact 5:  Ali Abdu, the Minister of Information, was interviewed by Voice of America on Monday, April 23  He said that Isaias Afwerki’s itinerary for Sunday, April 22, 2012) was as follows:

3:00 am – Gash Barka
6:00 am – Sawa
9:00 am – Anseba
12:00 noon – Semenawi Keyh Bahri (Northern Red Sea)
3:00 pm – Mendefera
4:30 pm – Maekel (Center)
7:00 pm – met with Ali Abdu

Fact 6: Girma Asmerom, Eritrea’s ambassador to the African Union, was interviewed on April 25 by RFI and…well, Girma owns a store called “Superlatives Are Us” and he consumes most of the profit. “You would never even compete with him [Isaias Afwerki] the way he travels, the way he walks, the way he visits, he is a handsome kind of a president…” sorry, that was the Amara accent: he is a hands-on kind of a president is what he said.

Fact 7: Ali Abdu is interviewed by the BBC on Friday, April 27, 2012. He says it is not in our political culture to bring the president on TV to respond to rumors fanned by “stupid people.” We don’t stage that kind of drama to respond to cheap propaganda, he says.

Fact 8:  Isaias Afwerki was interviewed by Eri-TV on Saturday, April 28, 2012. He says: “I wasn’t here last week in this country. For about three days. Came here the end of the week. Then went to Gash Barka.  I wasn’t here Saturday or Sunday [April 21, April 22.]  And so…continuous moving about for about 14 hours on Sunday.  Edges of Gash Barka, via Keren, Afabet, Gulbub, Massawa, had breakfast at Gahtelai. Had a little thing to do, got to Asmara and slept….then Saba told me there is news…”

Fact 9:  The website of the Ministry of Information, shabait.com, summarizes what Isaias Afwerki said a day earlier. It says that “in the past week he had been abroad on a 3-day working visit, and that upon return home he has been on a tour of inspection to Gash-Barka, Anseba and the Northern Red Sea regions from 21 to 22.”

Alibi 101

There are, as any mystery novel fans know, two elements to a good alibi: consistency and detail-orientation. And every police drama fan also knows that it is harder to maintain an alibi when there are multiple of people involved. Here, the three spokespersons for the Case of The Missing President are the Minister of Information and the President and the Ambassador to the AU.

By consistency, I mean is the story consistently told and is the story consistent with what we have come to expect from PFDJ, or what it likes to call “PFDJ culture”? And here, something is off key:

(a)  When Ali Abdu was interviewed by VOA on April  23, and he was giving the improbable itinerary of Isaias Afwerki, I expected the punch line: “would you like to speak to him, he is next to me…” then hand the phone to a Ministry of Information employee, and then explain to the confused VOA reporter, “He is Isaias Afwerki; I am Isaias Afwerki, there are 5 million of us Isaias Afwerkis…” That would have been in keeping with Ali’s characteristic smart-alec response. But he chose to stick to the ridiculous itinerary.

(b)  The Isaias Afwerki itinerary of Sunday April  22, as told by Ali Abdu, has a striking resemblance to the Isaias Afwerki itinerary of Sunday April 22. The marathon trip starts at Gash-Barka, ends at Asmara. But whereas the Isaias version ends with him in Asmara (after breakfast in Gahtelai), the Ali Abdu version goes to Mendefera and there is no time for sleeping.  Just work, work, work.

(c)   There is way, way too much detail in one itinerary—had breakfast in Gahtelai, had a little work to do there—and no detail at all about where he was out of the country or for the rest of the month.

(d)  The “PFDJ culture” of dealing with crisis is suq meritSna (we choose to be silent.) This is an organization whose middle name is Democracy and is constantly ridiculing democracy: that is its “culture.” But in this case, they had a press release, 3 radio interviews, a cartoon (!) ridiculing CIA agents wearing beads (like they just came from a Grateful Dead concert) and a one-on-one interview with the president. Why? What was so different about this that raised alarm bells everywhere? Why were they saying on Friday that they can’t respond to this “cheap propaganda” and then responding to it on Saturday?

(e)  When Isaias Afwerki said Saba told him the news, I really thought, for a micro-second, that he was talking about the Yemeni news agency S.A.B.A. But Isaias Afwerki was talking about his wife Saba.  This has never happened.  Treating your wives as equal partners is not in keeping with the character of PFDJ government officials who are just slightly a few inches away from, say, Iran, in their misogyny register.  In traditional Eritrea, the only time the wife is mentioned is when the husband feels the knock of the Grim Reaper on the door.

The Speculatron

There is this question: why can’t you take the PFDJ at face value and believe what they are saying?  Answer: because they lie so effortlessly.  Need a quick reminder? Here’s Isaias Afwerki on 10-year-plus-disappeared playwright Fessehaye Yohannes “Joshua”, when he was asked by Australia’s ABC reporter Corcoran:

CORCORAN:  Last time ABC Foreign Correspondent visited Eritrea they profiled a former fighter turned journalist and artist named Fessahi Yohannes, known as Joshua. Where is he now?

PRESIDENT ISAIAS AFEWERKI: I don’t know him.

REPORTER: He was co-founder of the newspaper Setit which was the biggest newspaper here prior to it being shut down.

PRESIDENT ISAIAS AFEWERKI: I don’t know him. I don’t know.

REPORTER: You don’t know him or where he might be?

PRESIDENT ISAIAS AFEWERKI: I don’t know him. If I don’t know him how can I know where he might be?

That’s why. It’s not that PFDJ politicians lie (some would say all politicians lie), it is that they lie recklessly, habitually, and even when there is no benefit in it for them to lie. When you get away with something for so long then you fail to see what is so wrong about it. In the interview, just to establish the theory that he hadn’t been following the speculations about his whereabouts until his wife appraised him of the situation, Isaias Afwerki had to tell two lies: that he doesn’t browse the Internet, and that he doesn’t have a mobile phone.

30 days is a long time for a public man to disappear—especially one who had conditioned the nation to expect to see him every day, whether he had anything to say or not. So where was he? And why wasn’t he on the air. My best guesses—and this is not an either or situation, it could be all of the above:

Sick: Isaias Afwerki is 66 years old. It is not unusual for 66 year old people—even ones who are blessed with good genes, exercise regularly and have a decent diet—to require hospitalization. But to say that is impossible if your entire construct is that the nation cannot survive without your leadership. You ensure that there is no clear line of succession, you create a cult of personality so vast that when you die, even your victims wail for you in sincere grief. When Stalin died, Russians whom he sent to the gulags were crying in genuine grief and dread. In the archive video they showed to demonstrate that Isaias was in “robust health”, he was moving around (and that is not “cheap propaganda” by the way), but in the live interview (it wasn’t live by the way), he was sitting stoically. By the standards they established, if he wasn’t sick, he would be strutting since that is NOT cheap propaganda.  (“the way he moves, the way he walks…”)

Vacation:  Isaias Afwerki has constructed such a prison for himself that he is not free to publicly say, “Dammit, I work really hard, I earned a vacation and I, and my family, are going on vacation.”  The only time we know he has ever gone on vacation is because wikileaks  told us that he did so in 1996 (it didn’t end well, that time, his Ethiopian plane malfunctioned en route back to Asmara and he accused Meles Zenawi of trying to have him assassinated.) And a few years back, he was in Milan, Italy and when we speculated that he was on vacation, shabait was compelled to add the words “working visit” to any trip he takes (including the most recent one to an un-named country.) So, that he is not mentioning what state he visited, or that he heard the news from Saba could also mean that he was on a family vacation and she was catching on the news while he slept or vice versa.  Happens in every family.  But normalcy is taboo in hgdef-land.

Issu Time: According to a former bodyguard who trekked to Ethiopia and was debriefed by the Ethio government, Isaias spends a great deal of time having quality time with Isaias. The direct quote, again, courtesy of wikileaks, is this: “[Ethiopian Intelligence Chief] Getachew [Assefa] remarked that one of Isaias’ bodyguards was in Dubai and then defected to Ethiopia. The bodyguard remarked that Isaias was a recluse who spent his days painting and tinkering with gadgets and carpentry work. Isaias appeared to make decisions in isolation with no discussion with his advisors. It was difficult to tell how Isaias would react each day and his moods changed constantly.”

This should answer the question of those who marvel at how the PFDJ “maintained the secret for so long”: it is easy to maintain a secret of which you have no knowledge. The PFDJ is an organization in name only—it is like an assembly line with each assembly worker assembling his widget—but it is beyond his job description to know where the CEO is and what he is up to.

And what decisions is he making in “isolation with no discussion with his advisors”? Well, there is the issue of what to do with Ethiopia and its Bush Doctrine of “we’ll fight them over there, so we don’t have to fight them over here.” Over there happens to be where he lives. Then, the issue of re-org. As he did in 1994, he clued us in January 1, 2012 there is a major restructuring of the PFDJ and the government coming. This requires solitude because it is hard to have discussions with your advisors if one of the decisions you are making is whether they should be your advisors.

Conclusion

The month-long disappearance of Isaias Afwerki was unusual and the explanations offered have holes in them and are not in keeping with the PFDJ culture of tight-upper-lip-we-can-wait-you-out. (PS: Is meskerem’s Naizghi Kiflu ticking clock still around?) The stories told by Isaias Afwerki and Ali Abdu are inconsistent with each other, and inconsistent with the “PFDJ culture.” If you have complaints that the independent/opposition Eritrean media reported “unconfirmed news”, please moderate your outrage because every piece of news you are fed by Eritrean state media is “DELIBERATELY unconfirmed news”—there is no independent body to confirm or deny it. Skepticism should be the order of the day to media—state or independent—that has shown a pattern of being not credible.  Nobody would have paid that much attention to the absence of Isaias Afwerki if he hadn’t conditioned the people to expect to see him every day—and if he had a vice president.  The PFDJ did not keep any secret—because it (to the extent it exists) was not aware of the secret itself.   The most likely explanation for Isaias Afwerki’s absence was that he was sick, on vacation, in voluntary solitary confinement as he plots his next move, or all of the above.  As for the role of the Eritrean opposition in all this, wait, I think I hear The Pencil being sharpened.

salyounis@gmail.com

PS: An earlier version of Al-Nahda said that Ali Abdu was interviewed by VOA on 4/16/2012.  Actually, he was interviewed on 4/23/2012. Apologies for the error.

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